Category Archives: House

KY-4: Massie Leading

By Jim Ellis — Monday, April 13, 2026

US House

Congressman Thomas Massie (R-KY)

It is no secret that Kentucky Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Garrison/ Covington) is President Trump’s top adversary among House Republicans and an officeholder Trump has marked for defeat.

Unseating Rep. Massie, however, is a significant challenge. In his seven US House races, the Congressman has averaged 70.8 percent of the general election vote, and 77.4 percent in the three Republican primaries he has faced since his initial victory in 2012.

The President frequently tweets about Rep. Massie, lambasting him for typically voting with the Democrats on serious budget issues irrespective of the Congressman’s reasoning in using his vote to voice objection to the burgeoning federal budget and its huge deficit.

Massie, along with Rep. Ro Khanna (D-CA), also led the successful discharge petition effort for a vote to release the Epstein files. This act also angered Trump and the GOP leadership, but as Rep. Massie reminded the public, the President during the 2024 campaign agreed to release all of the Epstein related files after the election.

The Trump forces have recruited a Republican primary opponent for Massie after the President publicly called for such a candidate to come forward. Therefore, Trump and his political operatives are attempting to “have their cake and eat it, too,” in striving to unseat Massie while keeping the Blue Grass State’s 4th Congressional District in the Republican column.

The Trump-backed candidate is retired Navy SEAL Ed Gallrein, whose previous venture into elective politics was an unsuccessful 2024 bid for a Kentucky state Senate seat. A recently released survey indicates that the task of defeating the seven-term incumbent who served as the Lewis County Judge-Executive before winning his congressional post still contains a high difficulty factor regardless of what effect comes from the Trump attacks.

Quantus Insights released the results of its new poll testing Rep. Massie’s bid for renomination. According to the QI survey (April 6-7; 438 likely KY-4 Republican primary voters; live interview), the incumbent would lead Gallrein by a 47-38 percent clip as the candidates move toward the May 19 Kentucky Republican primary election.

In terms of the personal favorability question, the GOP electorate splits with 51 percent responding they have a positive opinion of the Congressman while 46 percent expressed an unfavorable opinion. Even though he is less well known, Gallrein still posts a lesser positive response than the Congressman. The Gallrein favorability index was only 40:38 positive to negative within the Republican sampling universe.

Gallrein does get a boost from possessing the Trump endorsement, however. Here, we see 38 percent saying they are much more or somewhat more likely to vote for a candidate who the President endorses while 26 percent said they are much less or somewhat less likely to support the Trump-endorsed candidate.

The Quantus poll also tested for voting propensity. The pollsters divided the Republican electorate into segments of respondents who voted in the last four consecutive elections, the last three, the last two, the last one, and none of the previous elections.

In this instance, Gallrein tends to benefit because those voters casting ballots in the last four consecutive elections favor him by a 45-35 percent margin. Rep. Massie performs better with each of the other voting groups, and exceeds majority support within two segments, but the individuals’ vote propensity ranges from participating in most elections to not voting at all.

We can expect a very active final five weeks of the campaign cycle with the challenger needing to make bold moves to overtake the Congressman. While the President is “all-in” trying to defeat Rep. Massie, this poll and the incumbent’s strong voter history performance suggests that the Congressman still maintains significant strength within the district’s Republican voting base and remains the current favorite for renomination.

GA-14 Runoff: Republican Fuller Wins

By Jim Ellis — Wednesday, April 8, 2026

GA-14

Local District Attorney and Air National Guard officer Clayton Fuller (R) / Facebook photo

Republicans scored a special election victory in Georgia last night as local District Attorney and Air National Guard officer Clayton Fuller (R) defeated retired Army Brigadier General Shawn Harris (D) with a 56-44 percent victory margin.

The Fuller win was expected since Georgia’s 14th Congressional District is the Republican’s safest Peach State seat, but the victory margin was weaker than what we have typically seen from this region.

There are two principal reasons for the lower GOP vote spread. First, the 2024 redrawn District 14 is not quite as solid as the seat to which resigned Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R) was initially elected and, second, the latest available Federal Election Commission financial disclosure reports (pre-election March 18 filing) reveal that Gen. Harris outspent Fuller by a margin of almost 6:1, translating into a $6 million-plus effort for the Democratic candidate.

Georgia’s 14th District covers 10 counties (nine full, and just under 18 percent of Cobb County) in the northwest corner of the Peach State, bordering Tennessee on the north and Alabama to the west. Fuller carried nine of the 10 counties, but lost Cobb County by a significant margin. In order to maximize GOP strength in other districts, the 2024 redistricting map added Democrats from Cobb County to the already Republican-rich 14th, which helped pull Gen. Harris closer.

With the most recent map adding Democrats to the district, expect Rep-Elect Fuller’s future margins to be strong, but not as overwhelming as the previous voter history indicates.

The runoff produced a projected 131,000-plus voters, which is about average for a special general election. In comparison, turnout in the 2024 congressional election during the most recent presidential election featured 378,205 voters. In the 2022 midterm, 258,351 voters participated, or about 32 percent under the presidential election turnout.

The filling of the Georgia US House seat means the open-seat number for the next election recedes to 61. On April 16, New Jersey’s 11th District will be filled in that state’s commensurate special general election thus reducing the open seat count to 60 and bringing the full House to 434 members. The final special election could end on either June 2 or Aug. 4 in California, as voters will choose a replacement for the late Rep. Doug LaMalfa (R).

The Golden State uses a jungle special election format. If a candidate receives majority support in the first election, the individual is elected outright. If not, the top two finishers advance to a special general election.

The New Jersey election is expected to next week produce a Democratic win for former congressional staff member Analilia Mejia. She will replace Gov. Mikie Sherrill (D), who resigned the congressional seat after winning the statewide election in late 2025.

The California special election is largely a battle between former state Senate President Mike McGuire (D-Sonoma County) and state Assemblyman James Gallagher (R-Yuba City), though Democrat Audrey Denney is also on the ballot. The winner will have a short tenure in the House and be simultaneously cast into a general election for a vastly different 1st District under the new California redistricting map.

In actuality, the Golden State candidates will be running in two districts on the same day. One election will be to fill the current term in the previous 1st District, while the other is the regular jungle primary in the new 1st CD.

Virginia’s Twisted Campaign

By Jim Ellis — Tuesday, April 7, 2026

Redistricting

One of the most bizarre campaigns in recent memory is currently unfolding in the Old Dominion. On April 21, Virginians will cast final votes on a congressional redistricting referendum that will change the state’s 6D-5R map into a 10D-1R plan under the guise of “fairness.”

At this point, the Virginia referendum campaign is one of the most disingenuous ever because all sides, including the official Department of Elections, are part of the chaos.

The old saying, “you can’t tell the players without a scorecard,” seems to be applicable here, but even with a political scorecard a voter would be confused.

Let’s begin with the official state approved ballot language, as follows:

“Should the Constitution of Virginia be amended to allow the General Assembly to temporarily adopt new congressional districts to restore fairness in the upcoming elections, while ensuring Virginia’s standard redistricting process resumes for all future redistricting after the 2030 census?”

Restore fairness? The current map is 6D-5R in a state that voted 51.8 – 46.0% for Kamala Harris and, while electing a Democratic Governor in 2025, supported a Republican Governor in the previous election. Yet, the new map would give the Democrats 91 percent of the congressional seats.

The Virginia Supreme Court justices have also been less than forthcoming. They are saying they are still in the process of hearing whether the redistricting process can proceed because a lower court ruling said it cannot; that’s because the legislature itself violated its own rules in passing the referendum legislation, and the justices are allowing the statewide vote to take place. So, if the people vote for the referendum to redraw the districts, is the court going to reject their preference? Simply, no.

The Democratic campaign has been overwhelming so far, dominating the airwaves largely with ads from former President Barack Obama and Gov. Abigail Spanberger talking heroically about how they are “restoring a level playing field” with their 10D-1R map. This, after being on record time after time opposing gerrymandering when it cuts against their own party.

Perhaps the biggest stretch, however, is the Democratic campaign directly tying the abortion issue to passing the redistricting map, saying that “President Trump and the MAGA extremists” are planning to pass a national law to ban abortion. There is no evidence of such and passing this type of bill at least through the Senate is a realistic impossibility under the current filibuster rules. The ad verbiage also presumes the GOP has a majority to pass such a measure, which is also improbable.

The Republican response, which has so far been shockingly minimal despite understanding that the new Virginia map would put the Democrats in a much stronger position to capture the House majority, is also getting into the sleight of hand act.

The Virginians for Fair Maps organization are mailing post cards telling voters to join President Obama and Gov. Spanberger in opposing gerrymandering. They use previous public comments from the two when redistricting in Virginia and other places did not favor Democrats. Then the mailers tell voters to join Obama and Spanberger in opposing gerrymandering by voting “No” in the special referendum election.

One Republican advantage, even with their lackluster campaign, is that the “No” position is typically an easier argument to make in ballot proposition campaign strategy, and the Virginians for Fair Maps organization is using that edge to confuse voters with their Obama/Spanberger gerrymandering boomerang.

The Republicans’ early minimal response to what could be a devastating result for them is even more surprising when looking at the preference data. The Washington Post and the Schar School of Policy and Government at George Mason University just released a new statewide poll (March 26-31; 1,101 registered Virginia voters) finding the referendum passing, but with only a 52-47 percent margin within their response segment of likely voters.

Early voting is already underway. So far, according to the Virginia Public Access Project statistics, 646,493 ballots have been cast for an average turnout in the localities (in Virginia, residents are either in a city or a county but not both) of 11.9 percent. In the 2024 presidential election, as a point of comparison, 4.5 million individuals voted.

Though the campaign has been universally disingenuous to a very high degree, the referendum will likely pass, particularly if the Republican leadership continues to run their minimal response effort. Still, political prime time for this April 21 election is just beginning, so seeing the GOP launch a major ending media blitz remains a possibility.

House Members: 1 for 5

By Jim Ellis — Friday, April 3, 2026

US HOUSE

Of the current 62 open US House seats, 28 of the members are running for a different office, and the combined results of their statewide pursuits are so far underwhelming.

In the five 2026 election cycle contests recorded to date, only one House member, New Jersey Rep. Mikie Sherrill (D), successfully attained her statewide goal. In November of 2025, Sherrill was elected Governor of New Jersey.

Four others lost early primaries and a fifth, Rep. Chip Roy running for Texas Attorney General, advanced to a runoff election after placing second in the March 3 GOP primary. The other four losing statewide primary candidates are Illinois Reps. Robin Kelly and Raja Krishnamoorthi, and Texas Reps. Jasmine Crockett and Wesley Hunt.

Below is a re-cap of the members’ current campaign status:

Alabama

Rep. Barry Moore (R): Currently, Rep. Moore is leading the Senate Republican primary polls and is likely going to a runoff election with Attorney General Steve Marshall. The eventual Republican nominee will succeed Sen. Tommy Tuberville (R), who is running for Governor. The Alabama primary is May 19.

Arizona

Reps. David Schweikert (R) and Andy Biggs (R): Both men are running for Arizona Governor. Currently, Rep. Biggs has a large lead in GOP primary polling. The eventual Republican nominee will challenge Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs.

California

Rep. Eric Swalwell (D): The Congressman is in a tight race to secure one of two general election ballot positions for the open California Governor position. A Democrat opposing a Republican in the general from the jungle primary will become the prohibitive favorite to succeed term-limited Gov. Gavin Newsom (D). Two Democrats or even two Republicans could conceivably advance to the general election from the huge field of 62 candidates.

Florida

Rep. Byron Donalds (R): Rep. Donalds is the leading candidate in the open Governor’s race. He enjoys large Republican primary leads in a state where the GOP nominee now becomes a strong favorite to win the general election and succeed term-limited Gov. Ron DeSantis (R).

Georgia

GOP Reps. Buddy Carter and Mike Collins: Current polling places Reps. Collins and Carter running 1-2 in the GOP Senate primary. The pair advancing to a June 16 runoff election from the May 19 primary now appears likely. The eventual winner will face Sen. Jon Ossoff (D) in the general election. The Senator begins the general election campaign as at least a slight favorite.

Iowa

Rep. Ashley Hinson (R): Rep. Hinson has positioned herself as the consensus Republican Senate candidate in the open primary. She will face either state Sen. Zach Wahls (D-Des Moines) or state Rep. Josh Turek (D-Council Bluffs). Rep. Hinson will be the general election favorite. The winner replaces retiring Sen. Joni Ernst (R).

Rep. Randy Feenstra (R): Congressman Feenstra finds himself in a tight race in both the Republican gubernatorial primary against four opponents and for the general election against consensus Democratic candidate Rob Sand, the Iowa State Auditor. Rep. Feenstra should prevail in the plurality primary and the early Feenstra-Sand general election will be rated as a toss-up.

Kentucky

Rep. Andy Barr (R): The open Republican Kentucky Senate primary finds Rep. Barr holding a substantial lead in campaign resources but fails to establish a sustained polling advantage against former Attorney General and 2023 gubernatorial nominee Daniel Cameron with wealthy businessman Nate Morris trailing. The Republican nominee will succeed retiring Sen. Mitch McConnell (R). At this point, Rep. Barr will probably prevail in both the GOP primary and general election.

Louisiana

Rep. Julia Letlow (R): Congresswoman Letlow is challenging Sen. Bill Cassidy in the Republican primary along with State Treasurer and former Rep. John Fleming. Louisiana is returning to a partisan primary/runoff system after decades of employing the jungle primary alternative. The change hurts Sen. Cassidy.

Expect the May 16 primary election to end in two of the three candidates advancing to a June 27 runoff election. Sen. Cassidy and Rep. Letlow are the most likely runoff qualifiers. Expect a tight GOP finish. The eventual Republican nominee is a lock in the general election.

Massachusetts

Rep. Seth Moulton (D): Rep. Moulton is engaged in a long-shot challenge opposite Sen. Ed Markey for the Democratic Senate nomination. While polling suggests what could become a competitive Sept. 1 primary campaign, the odds favor Sen. Markey, thus likely ending Rep. Moulton’s congressional tenure.

Michigan

Rep. John James (R): Rep. James is the likely Republican gubernatorial nominee, advancing into a serious three-way general election with Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson (D) and former Detroit Mayor Mike Duggan (I). With Duggan in the race as a competitive non-major party contender, the general election allows each candidate to claim a reasonable victory path. The end result could well be each of the candidates faring well, with the winner obtaining less than 40 percent of the vote.

Rep. Haley Stevens (D): A very tight and intense three-way open Democratic Senate campaign is unfolding featuring Rep. Stevens, state Sen. Mallory McMorrow (D-Royal Oak), and former Wayne County Health Director Abdul El-Sayed.

At this point, the three candidates are in a tight race both for votes and campaign donations with a long way to go. The eventual Democratic nominee will face former Representative and 2024 Senate nominee Mike Rogers (R) in what promises to be a highly competitive general election.

Minnesota

Rep. Angie Craig (D): Craig is in a difficult open primary opposite Lt. Gov. Peggy Flanagan, as both strive to win the Democratic nomination. Flanagan is expected to come away with the party endorsement at the state convention, but Rep. Craig will force an Aug. 11 primary election. The eventual nominee who emerges from what promises to be a close contest will begin as at least a slight favorite over former national sportscaster Michele Tafoya (R), who was a regular on the NBC Sunday Night Football telecasts.

New Hampshire

Rep. Chris Pappas (D): Rep. Pappas is the consensus Democratic Senate nominee, as he is likely preparing to face former Sen. John E. Sununu (R). The latter man has large leads in the GOP primary opposite former Massachusetts Sen. Scott Brown, but the nomination contest here will lag until Sept. 8.

New Hampshire generally favors Democratic candidates, but the Sununu family has done very well in the state especially with Chris Sununu, the Senate candidate’s brother, winning four consecutive gubernatorial elections.

Oklahoma

Rep. Kevin Hern (R): Sen. Markwayne Mullin (R) resigning the Senate seat to become Homeland Security Secretary leaves the seat to appointed incumbent Alan Armstrong (R). Because of Oklahoma’s procedure that requires appointees to pledge not to run for a full term, the door is wide open for Tulsa Congressman Kevin Hern.

Other top Republicans such as Gov. Kevin Stitt and Rep. Stephanie Bice (R-Oklahoma City) have declined to run for the Senate; therefore, Hern is quickly becoming the consensus Republican candidate and a prohibitive favorite for the general election.

South Carolina

Reps. Nancy Mace and Ralph Norman: The two House members joined a crowded Republican gubernatorial field attempting to succeed term-limited Gov. Henry McMaster (R). The latest polling shows a tight field with Rep. Mace near the top and Rep. Norman gaining momentum. Two of the four major candidates, Lt. Gov. Pamela Evette and Attorney General Alan Wilson being the others, will advance to a runoff from the June 9 primary election.

Tennessee

Rep. John Rose (R): Middle Tennessee Congressman John Rose appears to be in one of the longest-shot campaigns of this election cycle. He is risking his safe congressional seat for a run for Governor and badly trails Sen. Marsha Blackburn in the Republican gubernatorial primary. The nomination election is not until Aug. 6, but it would be surprising to see significant changes transpire in this primary campaign.

Wisconsin

Rep. Tom Tiffany (R): At this point in the long Wisconsin primary cycle, Rep. Tom Tiffany (R-Minocqua) looks to have a clear shot for the Republican nomination and is closing in on consensus candidate status. The general election, against the Democratic contender who comes through their crowded and contested Aug. 11 primary campaign, will be rated a toss-up as are most Wisconsin statewide races.

Wyoming

Rep. Harriet Hageman (R): Sen. Cynthia Lummis’ (R) surprise retirement after serving one term opens the door for an easy Harriet Hageman (R-Cheyenne) run. The at-large Congresswoman is already the consensus Republican Senate candidate for the Aug. 18 primary and will be a prohibitive favorite in the general election. The most competitive races in the state will be the open Governor’s race and Rep. Hageman’s open at-large congressional contest, but the Senate campaign looks to be quiet.

In SC-1, It’s Mark Sanford … Again

By Jim Ellis — Wednesday, April 1, 2026

US HOUSE

Former South Carolina Governor and ex-Rep. Mark Sanford (R)

The open campaign to replace South Carolina Rep. Nancy Mace (R-Charleston) became more interesting as candidate filing closed on Monday.

Among the late entries is former Governor and ex-1st District Congressman Mark Sanford (R) who served bookend stints in the House before and after his eight years as South Carolina’s chief executive. Toward the end of his gubernatorial tenure, Sanford’s career was marked with an international extramarital affair involving a South American woman that became a national news story. Despite the adverse publicity, he was able to finish his term as Governor and would subsequently again win the 1st District US House seat.

Sanford was first elected to Congress in an open seat 1994 campaign pledging to serve only three terms. He fulfilled his campaign pledge by not seeking re-election in 2000, but then ran for Governor, winning the statewide post both in 2002 and 2006. He was thought to be planning a presidential run in 2012, but the nationwide affair publicity ended any hope of him becoming a serious presidential candidate.

In 2013, after then-Gov. Nikki Haley (R) appointed then-Congressman Tim Scott to the US Senate to replace resigned Sen. Jim DeMint (R), Sanford entered the open special election for the 1st Congressional District and surprised many by again winning the seat. He would then be re-elected to full terms in 2014 and 2016. He would lose renomination in 2018, however. Sanford had become an ardent critic of President Trump, which in large measure cost him the seat.

Again, sounding the theme of opposing the large deficit spending that Congress approves, Sanford this week launched his third open seat campaign for the 1st District seat. The CD is open in 2026 because incumbent Rep. Mace is running for Governor.

In addition to Sanford, a dozen other Republicans also filed their campaign committees, meaning we will see a spirited campaign develop as the large field of contenders rush toward the June 9 primary. South Carolina features a run-off nomination system, as do many of the southern states, but the Palmetto State version is unique. While most feature a month-long runoff cycle or longer, South Carolina allows only a two-week campaign. Therefore, the runoff is scheduled for June 23.

Sanford clearly has more name identification than any other current 1st District candidate and again could prove victorious. Within the field we see four sitting elected officials: state Rep. Mark Smith (R-Daniel Island), Dorchester County Councilman Jay Byars, Beaufort County Councilman Logan Cunningham, and Charleston County Councilwoman Jenny Honeycutt. Another significant candidate, physician Sam McCown, self-funded and raised over $1.2 million before year-end 2025, while Rep. Smith amassed just over $600,000, also as the previous year ended.

It is likely that Rep. Smith is the strongest within the candidate group in addition to Sanford. Coupled with credible fundraising, Smith has assembled a wide array of endorsements that include former 1st District Congressmen Henry Brown and Tommy Hartnett. It wouldn’t be surprising to see he and Sanford qualify for the runoff election.

Considering that Sanford was a vocal anti-Trumper earlier in his career, it is likely that the President will look elsewhere for a candidate to support, possibly Rep. Smith, if he decides to get involved in the race. The Trump endorsement is still a prize in most Republican primaries.

South Carolina’s 1st District occupies the southern portion of the state’s Atlantic coastline, beginning just above the Georgia border and stretching halfway toward North Carolina. The CD contains Beaufort and Berkeley Counties along with parts of Charleston, Colleton and Dorchester, and a sliver of Jasper County. While housing approximately 45 percent of Charleston County, it contains none of the city of Charleston. The 1st CD includes the Low Country islands along with the Hilton Head, Bluffton, Beaufort, Moncks Corner, and Mount Pleasant communities.

Politically, SC-1 is reliably Republican. The Dave’s Redistricting App partisan lean calculation is 55.6R – 42.6D. In 2024, President Trump carried SC-1 with a 55.7 – 42.7 percent victory margin.

The 1st District has been in Republican hands since the 1980 election, with only Democrat Joe Cunningham winning the seat in a 2018 upset. He would lose re-election to Mace in 2020. Since unseating Rep. Cunningham in 2020 by 5,415 votes, Rep. Mace’s average win percentage in her two re-election campaigns has been 57.3 percent.

Colorado Rep. Diana DeGette Barely Survives Ballot Challenge

By Jim Ellis — Tuesday, March 31 2026

US House

Colorado Rep. Diana DeGette (D-Denver)

Current US House member Rep. Diana DeGette (D-Denver) of Colorado barely survived a ballot challenge at the Democratic Assembly caucuses over the weekend.

Under Colorado election procedure, a candidate may qualify for the ballot in two ways. First, receive at least 30 percent support from the party assembly delegates; second, submit 1,500 valid registered voter petition signatures. Candidates can both participate in the assembly and file petitions.

At the 1st Congressional District Assembly this past Saturday, Rep. DeGette received only 33 percent of the delegate vote opposite attorney Melat Kiros.

According to The Down Ballot political blog, 235 delegates were present and voting, meaning just 78 of the participating individuals voted for the 15-term incumbent. The result indicates that she earned ballot placement by just eight votes. Rep. DeGette did not file petitions as a safeguard against performing poorly at the assembly; therefore, she risked renomination defeat had she fallen below the 30 percent threshold.

A third 1st District Democratic congressional candidate, University of Colorado Regent Wanda James, did not participate in the assembly but filed signature petitions.

Therefore, it appears Rep. DeGette has a serious primary challenge in the June 30 Colorado plurality primary election. According to the 2025 year-end Federal Election Commission financial disclosure statement, the Congresswoman held just over $535,000 in her campaign account. Kiros raised over $230,000 and James slightly under $180,000.

Though the delegate vote was overwhelming for Kiros, the assembly result is not necessarily representative of the 1st District Democratic primary vote base. It does show, however, that Kiros is a serious candidate and has significant grassroots support among the most active regular party primary voters.

Rep. DeGette is certainly not the only veteran Democratic incumbent facing a competitive primary challenge. Three, for example, face former US House members. Opposing Reps. April McClain Delaney (D-MD), Wesley Bell (D-MO), and Julie Johnson (TX-33) are former members who previously held the respective seat.

At this point, in addition to Rep. DeGette, 16 other Democratic congressional incumbents must run a serious campaign for renomination. Fewer Republicans face primary challenges, though Texas US Rep. Dan Crenshaw (R-Humble) has already been defeated in the March 3 GOP primary.

Below is a list of the other significant Democratic challenge campaigns that are worth watching as primary season progresses. The principal challengers are also identified (source: Politics1 website):

CA-4: Rep. Mike Thompson vs. venture capitalist Eric Jones (California jungle primary is June 2)
CA-7: Rep. Doris Matsui vs. Sacramento City Councilwoman Mai Vang and two other Democrats (jungle primary)
CA-17: Rep. Ro Khanna vs. financial tech executive Ethan Agarwal and cybersecurity engineer Mike Katz (jungle primary)
CA-32: Rep. Brad Sherman vs. ex-Biden White House aide Jake Levine, son of former Congressman Mel Levine, and five other Democrats (jungle primary)
CT-1: Rep. John Larson vs. former Hartford Mayor Luke Bronin; state Rep. Jillian Gilchrest, and two other Democrats (Connecticut plurality primary is Aug. 11)
FL-20: Rep. Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick vs. Luke Campbell, entertainer and former Miami Mayor candidate, ex-Broward County Commissioner Dale Holness, ex-Sunrise City Commissioner Mark Douglas, community organizer Elijah Manley, and physician Rudy Moise. Rep. Cherfilus-McCormick is under federal indictment, and the House Ethics Committee last week found her guilty of 25 ethics violations. (Florida plurality primary is Aug. 18)
GA-13: Rep. David Scott vs. state Sen. Emanuel Jones, state Rep. Jasmine Clark, ex-Gwinnett County School Board Chair Everton Blair, and three others. (Georgia primary is May 19; runoff June 16 if no one receives majority support)
HI-1: Rep. Ed Case vs. state Sen. Jarrett Keohokalole, former state House Majority Leader Della Belatti, and two others. (Hawaii plurality primary is Aug. 8)
IN-7: Rep. Andre Carson vs. consultant George Hornedo, and two others (Indiana plurality primary is May 5)
MD-6: Rep. April McClain Delaney vs. ex-Rep. David Trone, and six other Democrats (Maryland plurality primary is June 23)
MI-13: Rep. Shri Thanedar vs. state Rep. Donovan McKinney and three others (Michigan plurality primary is Aug. 4)
MN-5: Rep. Ilhan Omar vs. MN AFSCME Vice-President & DNC Member Latonya Reeves and attorney Julie Le (Minnesota plurality primary is Aug. 11)
MO-1: Rep. Wesley Bell vs. former Rep. Cori Bush and four other Democrats (Missouri plurality primary is Aug. 4)
NY-15: Rep. Ritchie Torres vs. ex-state Assemblyman Michael Blake and three others (New York plurality primary is June 23)
TN-9: Rep. Steve Cohen vs. state Rep. Justin Pearson, pastor DeVante Hill, and businessman LaTroy Alexandria-Williams (Tennessee plurality primary is Aug. 6)
TX-33: Rep. Julie Johnson vs. ex-Rep. Colin Allred in runoff election from March 3 primary (Texas runoff election day is May 26)

Missouri Rep. Sam Graves to Retire

By Jim Ellis — Monday, March 30, 2026

House

Veteran US Rep. Sam Graves (R-Tarkio)
of Missouri

Veteran US Rep. Sam Graves (R-Tarkio), the chairman of the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee who has represented northern Missouri since the turn of the century, will not seek re-election later this year. Rep. Graves, who had previously filed his documents to mount a campaign, changed his mind about running, now saying he believes it is his time to step aside.

Graves was initially elected to the House in 2000 and only dropped below 60 percent support one time in his 12 re-election campaigns. Prior to serving in Congress, Graves won seats in both the Missouri state House of Representatives and state Senate. He has been in elective office consecutively since the 1992 election.

The Graves retirement means there are temporarily 61 open US House seats headed to the next election. The number will recede to 59 when the special elections in GA-14 (April 7) and NJ-11 (April 16) occur to fill vacant seats. Of the 61 open positions, 27 members, including Rep. Graves, are retiring from elective politics. The remainder are running, or have run, for a different office.

Missouri’s 6th District contains the state’s northern counties beyond Kansas City to the Iowa border and all the way to the western Illinois border. Under the new Missouri congressional map drawn for the 2026 election cycle, the 6th now contains a significant part of Kansas City including the major Kansas City International Airport and the North Kansas City community.

The addition of the Kansas City metro region reduces the district’s Republican partisan lean by approximately six percentage points, but CD-6 remains as the GOP’s third strongest domain in the Show Me State. According to the Dave’s Redistricting App (DRA) partisan lean calculations, the new MO-6 records a 61.5R – 36.5D split. President Trump received 68.8 percent of the vote in the previous district as compared to Kamala Harris’ 30.0 percent.

With the Missouri candidate filing deadline expiring tomorrow, we can expect a number of candidates to come forward to file in the new open 6th District. The eventual Republican nominee coming from the Aug. 4 primary should have little trouble holding the seat in the November general election.

Whether the new map will be used for the 2026 election remains in question, however, even as candidate filing is closing. Petition signatures have been filed for an initiative to repeal the new map, but the qualification process is not complete. More than enough signatures have been submitted to meet the basic requirement for ballot line acquisition, but whether all additional legal requirements have been met remains unanswered.

Therefore, as the candidates file under the new map, the possibility remains that the repeal initiative could force a re-filing under the previous map. A court ruling on Friday upheld the new plan, but the Secretary of State has until the Aug. 4 primary to rule on signature validation.

According to Missouri initiative law, a ballot proposition requires signatures equal to five percent of the total number of votes cast for the most recent gubernatorial campaign. In this case, the 2024 gubernatorial election saw 2,960,266 ballots cast, meaning the five percent total would require 148,013 valid signatures.

The procedure, however, requires the petitions to equal five percent of the gubernatorial total vote in two-thirds of the state’s congressional districts, or likely six of the eight. Therefore, the actual number of required signatures could be lower than the calculated statewide total. The redistricting opponents have submitted more than 305,000 signatures.

The new draw centers around the state’s 5th District that veteran Congressman Emanuel Cleaver (D-Kansas City) represents. Instead of being a Kansas City metro district, the new 5th stretches from the city of Independence eastward through central Missouri and past the capital city of Jefferson City.

The new map changes the 5th District from a seat with a DRA partisan lean of 60.8D – 35.9R to one that would likely elect a Republican with a 56.6R – 41.1D spread. The remaining seven seats, 6R and 1D, will remain with the current party.

California’s 1st District:
A Tale of Two Races

By Jim Ellis — Monday, March 23, 2026

House

Northern California’s 1st Congressional District. See interactive map at Dave’s Redistricting App.

A confusing political situation is present in northern California as several more candidates than expected have filed for both the special election to replace the late Rep. Doug LaMalfa (R) and the regular election.

Redistricting has caused most of the confusion. The special election will occur in the 1st District to which Rep. LaMalfa was last elected while the regular term 1st District election will be held in the post-redistricting version. Though the field of candidates is largely the same for both campaigns, the two 1st Districts are political opposites.

Several surprising moves have been made. First, term-limited state Assemblyman James Gallagher (R-Yuba City) announced early that he would run in the special election from the district that favors Republicans (Dave’s Redistricting App partisan lean: 60.2R – 37.7D), but he remained uncommitted about running for the full term in the Democratic 1st (DRA partisan lean: 55.2D – 44.1R).

It was thought that when Gallagher announced, he would have little competition and win the seat outright on June 2 and serve half a year in the House. The leading Democrat, it was believed, would not want to risk losing in the Republican 1st, which might potentially weaken his chances for the regular term.

The redistricted 1st CD was drawn for state Sen. Mike McGuire (D-Sonoma County), who at the time the redistricting referendum was moving through the legislature was state Senate President. Like Gallagher in the Assembly, Sen. McGuire was also ineligible to seek re-election to his current position. His price for getting the redistricting referendum through the Senate – the Democrats have a super majority but with no votes to spare – was a 1st District draw where he would run and be favored to win.

Since the map drawers shifted Democratic voters from Reps. Jared Huffman (D-San Rafael) and Mike Thompson’s (D-St. Helena/Napa) 2nd and 4th Districts while adding Sen. McGuire’s home county of Sonoma, the 1st was transformed into a Democratic CD. Therefore, it was initially expected that Gallagher would not enter the regular election and McGuire would not enter the special.

The next two surprising political moves occurred just before the candidate filing deadline expired on March 11. Gallagher actually entered the regular term race and McGuire decided to become a candidate in the special election. Both moves are curious, especially for McGuire.

While a Republican winning the new 1st District that now stretches from the Napa wine country east to the Nevada state line may not be impossible in a favorable election year, it will still be very difficult and especially so when national trends favor the Democrats. But, with few options, Gallagher, who is favored to win the special election, had little to lose by trying since the special election victory would only give him a maximum of six months in Congress.

The more surprising move — and a new poll suggests that Mr. McGuire may not be as strong as initially believed — was the former Senate President entering the special election in the Republican district. Though he should be the regular election favorite in a district he basically drew himself, losing the special election would likely pierce his aura of invincibility.

To complicate matters further, another Democrat — non-profit organization agriculture consultant and frequent candidate Audrey Denney — also filed for both elections. Her presence in the special election could have a significant effect.

In the special, all candidates are placed on one ballot, and should a contender receive majority support, the individual would be elected outright. If no one reaches the 50 percent plateau, the top two finishers regardless of political affiliation will advance to an Aug. 4 runoff election.

Therefore, having another credible Democrat in the special election changes the campaign. Now it will be more difficult for Gallagher to reach 50 percent because Denney could attract some Republican agriculture votes, but she also decreases McGuire’s percentage because she will capture more than a few Democratic votes.

For the regular term, all candidates are again on the same ballot, and on the same day (June 2 regular election primary day) for both elections. In the regular, the top two finishers, presumably Sen. McGuire and Assemblyman Gallagher, will advance to the general election irrespective of percentage attained.

A new poll from David Binder & Associates for the McGuire campaign tested the new 1st District and the result is underwhelming for their client. The survey (Feb. 24-28; 700 likely CA-1 regular term voters; live interview, online, & text) finds McGuire topping Assemblyman Gallagher by a slight 33-30 percent margin with Denney attracting a credible 18 percent.

With so many moving parts and all candidates having some disadvantages in at least one of the two 1st Districts, northern California’s tale of two races promises to feature some very interesting campaigns and results.

How Polls Can Mislead

By Jim Ellis — Monday, March 16, 2026

Polling

Polling is an important element in campaigning for office and also an invaluable tool in helping to forecast elections, but one that can also mislead. That’s why it’s so important to understand the polling methodology in order to best comprehend what the data tells us.

A good example of not taking a ballot test at first glance comes in Maine’s 2nd Congressional District Democratic primary where two polls taken within the same relative time frame are producing very different results. Delving into the methodology gives us a better idea of which pollster has the better information.

The 2nd District is Maine’s northern congressional seat that encompasses most of the Pine Tree State’s vast land area and stretches to the Canadian border. The major population centers are the cities of Bangor, Augusta, and the Lewiston-Auburn metro area. Four-term Rep. Jared Golden (D-Lewiston) is not seeking re-election.

The ME-2 seat is also the most Republican congressional district in the country that sends a Democrat to the House of Representatives. President Trump has carried the 2nd District in all three of his national general election campaigns. The Dave’s Redistricting App partisan lean calculation shows a 52.9R – 41.1D split. The 2026 open race here may become the Republicans’ best conversion opportunity in the nation.

The 2026 campaign features former two-term Gov. Paul LePage, who faces only minor opposition for the Republican nomination, and two major Democrats vying to become their party’s standard bearer: state Sen. Joe Baldacci (D-Bangor), brother of former Governor, ex-Congressman, and previous state Sen. John Baldacci, and State Auditor and former Secretary of State Matt Dunlap.

The conflicting polls in question come from the Maine-anchored Pan Atlantic Research firm conducting its regular “Omnibus Poll,” and Tulchin Research for the Dunlap campaign.

The methodology disclosure for the Pan Atlantic survey reveals that 810 likely voters were questioned online during the period of Feb. 13 through March 2nd. Tulchin conducted their survey soon after Pan Atlantic finished, from March 5-8 of 400 likely ME-2 voters, via multiple sampling techniques.

When looking at the 2nd District Democratic primary, Pan Atlantic projects Sen. Baldacci as holding a significant 36-14-12 percent advantage over Dunlap and former congressional aide Jordan Wood, respectively. Tulchin, however, found a very different result. According to the TR ballot test, it is Dunlap who holds a 36-29-11 percent lead over Sen. Baldacci and Wood.

Obviously, the two pollsters come to contrary conclusions as to what may happen in this particular political campaign. Digging deeper, we can find which of these two surveys is likely the more accurate predictor.

Looking at the Pan Atlantic methodology, we see, as previously stated, that 810 likely voters have been surveyed. This, however, is the number for the entire state and contains many more than just 2nd Congressional District likely Democratic primary voters. The Tulchin Research data focuses only on the 2nd District, and though their sample size of 400 respondents is approximately only half the size of the Pan Atlantic aggregate, in actuality it is the better sample.

Looking closely at the Pan Atlantic report, we find that only 144 individuals comprise the 2nd District Democratic primary subset. This is barely large enough to form a segment cell let alone a sample for an entire congressional district. Therefore, while this Pan Atlantic survey is viable to forecast the statewide general election races, its candidate preference data for the 2nd District Democrats that shows Sen. Baldacci holding a large lead should be discarded.

The better picture comes from the Tulchin Research data. Their polling sample of 400 likely partisan primary voters is sound, thus the projection of Dunlap leading the Democratic primary beyond the polling margin of error is the more believable study.

Expect this Democratic primary to be hard fought through the June 9 primary election. The winner will then face former Gov. LePage in what promises to be a highly competitive general election congressional contest in a race that carries national implications relating to which party will control the House of Representatives in the next Congress.

Rep. Issa to Retire From CA-48;
Non-Partisan Rep. Kiley to Run in CA-6

By Jim Ellis — Thursday, March 10, 2026

CA-48

California Rep. Darrell Issa (R-San Diego)

In another House retirement decision, veteran California US Rep. Darrell Issa (R-San Diego) reversed course and announced on Friday that he will not seek re-election this fall.

The new California redistricting plan was not kind to Rep. Issa, but he initially made statements predicting victory in the new version of District 48. Under the current map, the Dave’s Redistricting App partisan lean calculation revealed a 58.3R – 39.8D split for CD-48. The new Dave’s Redistricting App version, in use for the 2026 election, yields a 50.6D – 48.7R partisan lean.

Though the Democratic map drawers attempted to make this a seat for their new party standard bearer, the numbers suggest a competitive contest will develop potentially resulting in a toss-up rating.

With the news of Issa’s intended retirement, San Diego County Supervisor Jim Desmond (R), who was running in Congressional District 49 against Rep. Mike Levin (D-San Juan Capistrano), will change his focus and move into what will now be an open 48th CD.

Desmond, who represents much of CA-48 on the county Board, will be a strong candidate for the GOP and can now compete in a district more favorable for a Republican. New District 49 carries a 53.8D – 45.3R partisan lean according to the DRA calculations.

There are 12 announced CA-48 Democratic candidates. California candidate filing closed on Friday but because the incumbent did not file in this district, the deadline extends until March 11. Therefore, it becomes unclear exactly how many individuals will ultimately qualify.

Among the notable Democratic individuals who had previously announced are frequent candidate Ammar Campa-Najjar, San Diego City Councilwoman Marni von Wilpert, and Vista City Councilwoman Corinna Contreras.

A recent Public Policy Polling company survey (Feb. 16-17; 727 registered CA-48 voters; live interview and text) produced a 40-18 percent Issa lead over Campa-Najjar with no other potential candidate even reaching the 10 percent level.

Under California’s top-two jungle primary system, all contenders will compete in a June 2 qualifying election. The top two finishers, regardless of partisan affiliation and percentage attained, will advance to the general election. Under the new lineup, Supervisor Desmond appears as a lock to advance, because he will likely coalesce the Republican vote, while the large Democratic grouping will split their party’s votes and battle for the second qualifying position.

While the partisan lean slightly favors the Democrats, the CA-48 election could conceivably develop into a toss-up general election campaign as previously mentioned. Without Rep. Issa in the race, however, the eventual Democratic finalist will begin the general election with a slight advantage.

CA-6

As candidate filing was coming to a close in northern California’s 6th District, we see 3rd District Congressman Kevin Kiley (R-Rocklin) filing in this domain while 6th District incumbent Rep. Ami Bera (D-Sacramento) is seeking re-election in the adjacent District 3.

Rep. Kiley appeared indecisive about where he would run. Most observers believed he would file against Republican Rep. Tom McClintock (R-Elk Grove) in District 5, which stretches all the way to the Fresno area. The 5th is one of four Republican favorable districts in the state after the new redistricting plan was enacted.

Kiley clearly did not want to challenge Rep. Bera in CD-3, so as the filing deadline drew near the Congressman announced that he would enter the District 6 race indicating that he did not want to run in a place, meaning CD-5, that didn’t include his hometown.

District 6, located to the north and east of downtown Sacramento and stretching to the city of Roseville, is now as Democratic as District 3 (each new draw for Districts 3 and 6 show a partisan lean of approximately 53D – 46R). While running in CD-6 does not provide Kiley with a partisan edge, he isn’t facing a fellow incumbent.

His surprise move, likely in an attempt to negate some of his partisan disadvantage, is to file as a No Party Preference candidate, meaning an Independent.

While he isn’t opposing Rep. Bera, Kiley does have a group of formidable Democrats to overcome. In the field are Sacramento County District Attorney Thien Ho, West Sacramento Mayor Martha Guerrero, and ex-state Sen. Richard Pan. In all, six Democrats, four Republicans, and Rep. Kiley on the NPP ballot line appears to be the 6th District field.

How Rep. Kiley not filing as a Republican helps him remains a subject of debate. While he is trying to ditch the GOP party label in an area where it is unpopular, he loses the institutional party support and likely many donors. He begins the campaign with just over $2 million in his campaign account, which should be enough to run a credible campaign if the money is spent late in the campaign cycle.

Both CA-48 and CA-6 will be districts to watch in the June 2nd qualifying election and the November campaign.