Texas Incumbents Who Could Lose

By Jim Ellis — Tuesday, February 24, 2026

Texas Races

Multiple Republican seats are in jeopardy in the upcoming Texas primary on March 3.

Knocking on the door of the March 3 Texas primary, we see analyses surfacing predicting that more than one Texas congressional incumbent could lose their renomination battles.

The Senate race has attracted a great deal of attention throughout the early part of the 2026 election cycle. Regarding incumbent John Cornyn’s Republican primary status, his fate will not likely be decided on March 3.

The Senator, on the ballot for a fifth term, is virtually assured of being forced into a runoff election likely with Attorney General Ken Paxton. Rep. Wesley Hunt (R-Houston) is also in the race and making positive strides. It is probable, however, that he will fall short of securing one of the two available runoff ballot positions.

For months, large numbers of polls have shown neither Sen. Cornyn nor AG Paxton coming anywhere near the 50 percent plateau in primary ballot test results. In fact, neither has even seriously approached the 40 percent mark at any time after July. Since then, 30 Texas Senate primary campaign polls have been publicly released.

Typically, when an incumbent is forced into a runoff in those states where securing majority support is necessary to win a party nomination, the challenger prevails in the secondary election because a majority of voters had already forced the incumbent below the required victory vote percentage figure.

A Cornyn-Paxton runoff may be different, however. First, Texas now has a long runoff cycle – from March 4 through May 26 – so much can change in a long campaign duration.

Secondly, Sen. Cornyn enjoys a significant campaign resource advantage as evidenced in that AG Paxton is only moderately advertising at the end of the primary period. He is obviously pooling his lesser resources for the runoff. By holding his money, Paxton indicates that he perceives fundraising will be difficult against Cornyn in a one-on-one situation.

And, finally, Paxton has been scandal-ridden in the past, and those negatives will be wholly revisited in the runoff cycle.

Reports suggest that three US House incumbents could lose their renomination battles with an outside possibility of a fourth.

The new redistricting map has forced incumbents Al Green (D-Houston) and newly elected (Jan. 31 special election) Christian Menefee (D-Houston) into a new 18th District. Though 65 percent of the constituency in the new 18th comes from Green’s 9th CD, the polling overwhelmingly suggests that Rep. Menefee is in prime position to win the Democratic primary and do so without a runoff.

Also on the Democratic side, in Dallas County, freshman Rep. Julie Johnson (D-Farmers Branch) saw her 32nd District turned into a Republican seat that now stretches into East Texas. Because the new seat heavily favors Republicans, Rep. Johnson decided to seek re-election in the new 33rd District, after Rep. Marc Veasey (D-Ft. Worth) chose to retire.

The move looked promising for Rep. Johnson until former Representative and 2024 Democratic US Senate nominee Colin Allred suddenly decided to end his announced 2026 Senate campaign and instead filed for District 33. Polling suggests that Allred’s strong name identification and resource advantage will send him back to the US House of Representatives and relegate Rep. Johnson’s congressional service to one term.

Clearly the most bizarre race involves three-term Rep. Tony Gonzales (R-San Antonio); he too is in danger of failing to win renomination. In 2024, Gonzales, not a favorite among the hard right faction within his sprawling 23rd District that stretches from San Antonio to El Paso, was forced into a runoff election with firearms manufacturer Brandon Herrera and he survived by only 354 votes. In the current campaign, not only did Herrera return, but former Congressman Quico Canseco is also in the race.

Rep. Gonzales has been at the forefront of a political storm resulting from a tragic situation where a former aide, Regina Santos-Aviles, was alleged to be in an extramarital affair with Gonzales and then committed suicide by lighting herself on fire. As the campaign draws to conclusion, Santos-Aviles’ husband is coming forward to confirm his wife’s affair with Gonzales and accuses the Congressman of abusing his power.

Though the challengers have little in the way of campaign funding, the negative publicity and the closeness of his 2024 renomination campaign makes Rep. Gonzales highly endangered.

Some point to Rep. Dan Crenshaw (R-Humble) as being another incumbent on the precipice of defeat. His main opponent is state Rep. Steve Toth (R-The Woodlands) who has a strong conservative following. Rep. Crenshaw dominates the resource phase of the campaign, and though Toth has a support base it is unlikely that he will dethrone the Congressman in this primary battle. With four candidates on the ballot, however, moving to a runoff is possible. This is a race to watch on March 3.

Colorado Joins Redistricting Wars

Colorado Congressional Districts / Dave’s Redistricting App interactive map

By Jim Ellis — Monday, February 23, 2026

Redistricting

Yet another state is making a redistricting move, but this one is for the future.

A new organization called Coloradans for a Level Playing Field announced this week that it will attempt to qualify a congressional redistricting ballot proposition for the November 2026 ballot. The proponents will encourage the electorate to enact a new map designed to create the exact opposite effect of their stated name.

The outline of the suggested redistricting map would reduce the Republicans to just one of the state’s eight congressional seats, into a 7D-1R split. Currently, the Colorado delegation is split 4D-4R. If the group organizers are successful in qualifying their initiative and the measure passes, the new map would take effect for the 2028 and 2030 election cycles.

The current Colorado Independent Redistricting Commissions’ congressional panel members constructed the current map in 2021. Some consider the Centennial State redistricting process as a model for other places. Citizens are chosen to create maps in accordance with Colorado redistricting statutes, and when pertinent, federal redistricting law.

Once an assigned panel agrees upon and formally passes a map, the plan is automatically sent to the state Supreme Court for approval. Adding the court to the formal procedure has resulted in no filed lawsuits against any of the commission maps because Colorado’s ultimate redistricting authority declared the legality of the plan(s) at the outset.

The Colorado system also features a different group of citizens being chosen to draw individual maps, meaning the plans for Congress, state Senate, state House, and any other body that elects its members through districts.

The fledgling Level Playing Field organization, backed financially by Democratic Party sources, is floating four different proposals, and the leaders say they will soon formulate their final strategy and submit one map to the Secretary of State. Once the proposed ballot language is approved, the group then must recruit 124,238 valid registered voter signatures to qualify the referendum.

The other alternative for approving a proposed referendum is through the legislature and obtaining a required two-thirds votes for passage in each chamber. Democrats, however, are slightly below having a two-thirds majority in both houses, meaning their chances of prevailing at the state capitol are less than favorable.

The released map proposal, if adopted as publicized, would change three Republican districts, those of Reps. Jeff Hurd (R-Grand Junction), Jeff Crank (R-Colorado Springs), and Gabe Evans (R-Ft. Lupton) from safely Republican or toss-up seats (the latter in Rep. Evans’ case), into likely Democratic districts.

Ironically, the only Republican member that the Democrat-funded map drawers would concede to a GOP member is the state’s eastern 4th District of Rep. Lauren Boebert (R-Silt), likely the Level Playing Field leadership’s least favorite incumbent.

Under the proposal most likely to surface as the final map, Rep. Hurd’s district would transform from a 52.6R – 43.3D district according to the Dave’s Redistricting App statisticians into a western Colorado CD that would feature a virtually opposite 51.1D – 46.2R split. The change adds Democrats from Rep. Joe Neguse’s (D-Lafayette) 2nd District that would bring the new 3rd geographically closer to the outer Denver suburbs.

Rep. Crank’s 5th CD would move from a 56.1R – 38.9D partisan lean to one that yields a 52.2D – 45.0R split. The move here would also drive the Colorado Springs-anchored district much closer to Denver, taking Democrats mostly from Rep. Brittany Pettersen’s (D-Lakewood) 7th CD.

Finally, involving perhaps the most politically marginal district in the country, Rep. Evans’ 8th CD located north and east of Denver with a partisan lean of 48.3D – 47.0R, would become decidedly Democratic, brandishing a new 53.0D – 44.1R partisan division.

Finally, the changes would push the Republican factor in Rep. Boebert’s district even higher. Currently, the 4th District partisan lean is 60.3R – 35.9D. The new map increases the Republican figure to 63.3 with a corresponding Democratic benchmark of 34.3. Extra Republicans were added to this district from Rep. Crank’s 5th CD to make the latter seat more Democratic.

The Colorado redistricting initiative process has a long way to go and qualifying a new map for a ballot referendum this year is no certain task. If successful, the new congressional map will be in place for the 2028 and 2030 elections with the Colorado Independent Commissions process returning to draw a new post-census 2032 map that will be designed to last through the ensuing decade.

Mississippi Rep. Bennie Thompson Faces Attack by Younger Challenger

(Challenger Evan Turnage ad)

By Jim Ellis — Friday, February 20, 2026

House

As we draw closer to the March primary elections, one Democratic challenger unveiled a new media ad this week aimed at denying renomination to one of his party’s congressional stalwarts.

Evan Turnage, a former congressional staff member to both Sens. Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), returned to his native Mississippi to challenge veteran Congressman Bennie Thompson (D-Bolton).

Turnage is one of a growing number of younger Democratic candidates opposing elderly veteran US House members and making their length of service a campaign issue. Rep. Thompson, who was initially elected in 1992, is 78 years old.

Turnage turned up the heat against the 17-term incumbent and former chairman of the House Homeland Security Committee with his new television ad (see above). The strategy behind the media tactic is to create a negative image of Rep. Thompson for failing to deliver for the home constituency.

In the ad, which Turnage narrates, Rep. Thompson’s challenger says that he is from “the poorest district in the poorest state in the country.” He then indicates that Mississippi’s 2nd District held that same distinction when Congressman Thompson was first elected, at a time when Turnage was one year old, and that it still remains true today.

The ad continues with film of dilapidated housing and suggesting that the constituency is downtrodden. Turnage emphasizes that Rep. Thompson’s long tenure in Congress has not improved living conditions, and the challenger promises to do better.

In his media release unveiling the ad, Mr. Turnage says that his campaign is making a “six figure buy.” This is interesting because his year-end Federal Election Commission report shows only $53,877 cash-on-hand from just over $65,000 raised for the campaign. It’s possible that he had a strong fundraising month of January, otherwise the media buy will be on the lower end of his promised spectrum.

The Mississippi primary is scheduled for March 10th. Logistics professor Pertis Williams is also a Democratic congressional candidate, so theoretically a runoff election is possible in this race. If no one secures majority support, the top two finishers would advance to an April 7 runoff election.

It is highly unlikely that the votes will break almost evenly with Williams taking enough to deny the leader 50 percent, but this result is mathematically possible. Chances are very strong, however, that the nomination contest will be decided on March 10 and in Thompson’s favor.

The 2nd District lies in Mississippi’s western delta region and is the state’s lone Democratic congressional district. The CD houses 28 counties and parts of two others. The population centers include part of the city of Jackson, Mississippi’s state capital, Greenville along the delta, Yazoo City, and the definitive Civil War battle site of Vicksburg. Geographically, the seat stretches almost from the Tennessee border to just short of Louisiana, and along the western Mississippi border shared with Arkansas and Louisiana.

The population is majority Black, 62.2 percent, and 34.3 percent White. To substantiate Turnage’s claim about the district, the median household income is $43,811 according to the Data USA figures. The district’s poverty rate is 25.9 percent. The household income figure is less than half the national median level of $97,261. The Mississippi median income number is $70,821 and the state continues to rank last in national household income. Therefore, Turnage’s claim that MS-2 is the poorest district in the poorest state is verified.

Including Turnage’s challenge to Rep. Thompson, 13 Democratic incumbents over 70 years of age are seeking re-election and face credible much younger primary challengers. The additional dozen are: Reps. Mike Thompson (D-CA), Doris Matsui (D-CA), Mark DeSaulnier (D-CA), Maxine Waters (D-CA), John Larson (D-CT), David Scott (D-GA), Ed Case (D-HI), Kweisi Mfume (D-MD), Steve Cohen (D-TN), Al Green (D-TX), Sylvia Garcia (D-TX), and Don Beyer (D-VA).

At this point, each of these Democratic incumbents is favored for renomination, but the combined quality of their opponents suggests that the races should be monitored throughout the primary election cycle for potential upset possibilities.

Redistricting:
New York, Utah, and Virginia

By Jim Ellis — Thursday, February 19, 2026

Redistricting

Redistricting news is coming to the forefront in three states, New York, Utah, and Virginia. Today, we will review the latest information.

New York

Empire State Congresswoman Nicole Malliotakis (R-Staten Island) previously filed a lawsuit appealing a lower court ruling that declared her 11th Congressional District as a racial gerrymander. Her appeal is before the New York Appellate Division. The initial ruling was made in relation to the New York Voting Rights Act.

This is the first time that a federal political district has been adjudicated under a state voting rights law. While the ruling declared NY-11 as a racial gerrymander, it also included a redraw order that negated the use of the current NY-11 CD in the 2026 election.

Under the New York judicial procedure, a motion to appeal automatically stays the previous ruling until heard by the upper courts. This week, the New York Court of Appeals, the state’s highest court and equivalent to a Supreme Court in most states, released a statement saying they would not hear the case on an expedited basis and further emphasizing that the Appellate Division is the proper authority to rule on the motion.

Therefore, a great deal of confusion remains. If the appellate division fails to act before the New York candidate filing deadline of April 6, would this lead to a postponement of the filing procedure and possibly the June 23 primary? And, if the court delays the filing deadline and potentially the primary, would this apply statewide or just to the 11th Congressional District and the neighboring CDs that a redraw would affect?

Once again, we see another redistricting issue causing widespread confusion. It remains to be seen how the courts rule; until they do at least a portion of the New York congressional map hangs in abeyance.

Utah

Utah Congressional Districts / Dave’s Redistricting App

In 2025, a Utah court ruled that the Beehive State’s congressional map was illegal because the legislature failed to adhere to voter passed criteria relating to the drawing of congressional districts.

As a result, the court imposed a new map, one that will create a Salt Lake City-anchored seat, labeled District 1, that a Democrat will win. In fact, at this point, about a month before the congressional filing deadline of March 13, no Republican has even announced their candidacy. Therefore, a gain of one Democratic seat under this new Utah map appears certain.

According to a report from The Down Ballot political blog, Republican activists took to the streets and submitted ballot petition signatures to repeal the new map and thereby restore the previous plan. The activists have submitted well over the number of signatures required to qualify a ballot initiative, but whether the signatures adhere to all provisions of the petition law remains unclear.

Not only does a petition need 140,748 signatures, but a specific number must come from various geographic regions. Therefore, whether the petitions submitted meet the regional requirements remains unknown. The election authorities have until March 7 to issue a decision.

It is most likely that the new map will remain in place at least for the 2026 elections. If so, we will see a new Democrat coming from Salt Lake City, along with Congressman Mike Kennedy (R-Alpine) and Rep. Celeste Malloy (R-Cedar City) paired in new District 3. This draw takes UT-3 south and east of Salt Lake City before stretching down the Colorado border all the way to Arizona.

Virginia

Despite a lower court ruling that negated the Virginia attempt to redistrict because the judge ruled that the legislature violated their own rules in order to schedule a redistricting referendum vote, the state Supreme Court is allowing the proposed April 21 referendum to proceed.

Virginia Congressional Districts / Dave’s Redistricting App

The decision would allow the public to vote on a proposed map, likely without the voters actually seeing the draw, and although the justices indicated they will continue to hear the case and review the previous ruling, the issue of whether the new map will be used for the 2026 election remains unclear.

It is probable, after the referendum vote likely passes that the new map will be in place for the current 2026 election cycle.

This new plan will radically change the state. Currently, the Democrats have six congressional seats in the Virginia delegation and the Republicans’ five. The new plan projects that Democrats could gain four seats, thus making a 10D – 1R delegation.

Some analysts suggest that a 9D – 2R split is more likely, however. Congresswoman Jen Higgins (R-Virginia Beach) would be placed in a 50-50 District 2, and her likely opponent is the woman she unseated in 2022, former Congresswoman Elaine Luria (D). Therefore, the Virginia Beach race might be the tightest in the state. The rest of the GOP members will be likely drawn out of their seats or paired with another Republican.

From a national redirecting standpoint, the Virginia situation is extremely critical because if the Democrats gain four seats here, they very possibly could finish slightly ahead of Republicans in national redistricting if they meet their stated goals in California, Utah, and Virginia.

The national redistricting picture is still cloudy. It is unclear exactly how many new maps will be in place for the 2026 election, and if either party could meet their stated maximum goals regarding the flipping of congressional districts to their side.

Therefore, many unanswered questions remain regarding which maps will be in place for election year 2026 and is largely due to judicial inaction.

The new maps locked into place lie in California, North Carolina, Ohio, and Texas. The states where legal and political challenges remain are Louisiana, still before the US Supreme Court; Missouri, regarding a qualification of a balance initiative that can negate their new map; and Florida, balanced on whether will or not a new map will pass in a special legislative session. Those are in addition to the three states we covered in this column, New York, Utah, and Virginia.

The Crypto Factor

By Jim Ellis — Wednesday, February 18, 2026

Crypto

Cryptocurrency financial sector leaders are going to make their presence felt in the 2026 election cycle, but you might not see direct evidence of such.

Through Super PACs and messages not involving the cryptocurrency issue priorities, the industry is attempting to elect some of its most staunch advocates. In the early primaries, an influx of campaign activity in several campaigns is being traced to crypto sources. The Super PACs sponsoring the various media ads have innocuous names and the messages are targeted to the particular candidate’s political situation. At this point, it appears the industry has a strong strategy and implementation plan.

In the early March primaries, the candidates receiving backing from the crypto financial sources are former Illinois Democratic congressional members Jesse Jackson Jr. and Melissa Bean, sophomore North Carolina Congresswoman Valerie Foushee (D-Hillsborough/Chapel Hill), new Democratic Rep. Christian Menefee (D-TX), and Republican challenger Laurie Buckhout, also from the Tar Heel State.

Jesse Jackson Jr. is making a political comeback after serving time in prison for misusing government and campaign funds. His father, the Rev. Jesse Jackson, a civil rights icon, died yesterday at the age 84.

Jesse Jackson Jr. is returning to active politics with the goal of recapturing the Chicago-anchored 2nd Congressional District from which he resigned soon after the 2012 election for health reasons and negotiating a plea deal to the criminal charges.

In the 2026 race, Jackson faces nine Democratic opponents including two state Senators and a Cook County Commissioner, so his nomination on March 17 is not secure. Therefore, an influx of support from the crypto industry will likely be a major part of the Jackson inside-and-outside campaign effort. Should he win re-election, he will join his brother, Rep. Jonathan Jackson (D-Chicago) who represents Illinois’ 1st District, in Congress. Both are sons of the late Rev. Jesse Jackson. “Our father was a servant leader — not only to our family, but to the oppressed, the voiceless, and the overlooked around the world,” the Jackson family said in a statement.

Former Congresswoman Melissa Bean served three terms from Illinois’ 8th District, which lies west of Chicago and contains several of the city’s outer suburbs. Bean was defeated for re-election in 2010. Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-Schaumburg), now running for the Senate, returned the seat to the Democratic column in 2012.

Like Jackson, Bean faces a crowded and competitive primary. In her case, she has seven Democratic opponents, including a Cook County Commissioner and a local official. In a plurality primary election, which is the case in Illinois, Bean’s candidacy appears strong, and she may be considered the favorite to claim the party nomination. The large crypto expenditure on her behalf certainly helps increase her chances of returning to Congress.

Rep. Foushee won her seat in 2022 after serving 11 years in the North Carolina state legislature. In that year, the candidate finishing second and nine points behind Foushee was Durham County Commissioner Nida Allam. This year, Allam returns to force a re-match.

While North Carolina is a runoff state, the victory threshold is only 30 percent, thus it is almost guaranteed that we will see a primary night winner projected here among the three candidates, which is likely to be Rep. Foushee. Crypto organization-backed ads will help the Congresswoman’s quest for a third term.

A cryptocurrency funded Super PAC entitled Fairshake created a sub-entity called Protect Progress that funded a media wave of positive spots for new Rep. Christian Menefee (D-Houston). He won the Jan. 31 special election in Texas’ 18th Congressional District. Rep. Menefee must already run for nomination to a full term against Rep. Al Green (D-Houston) in a newly configured 18th District.

The new seat favors Rep. Green because 65 percent of the new constituency comes from his former 9th CD as compared to just 26 percent from the district that just elected Menefee. Polling, however, suggests that Menefee is leading the race in another of the now many Democratic primaries that pits a young challenger against a veteran incumbent in his late seventies.

Returning to North Carolina, according to a Fox News report, crypto funding to the tune of $500,000 is being spent to help Republican challenger Laurie Buckhout. She came within less than two percentage points of unseating Rep. Don Davis (D-Snow Hill) in 2024 and now finds herself in a crowded Republican primary as she returns for a second chance.

The new redistricting clearly favors Republicans here, and the eventual party nominee will have a strong chance of unseating Rep. Davis in a newly configured 1st District where President Trump would have recorded a 55-44 percent victory margin in 2024. In Texas and North Carolina, the primary election is scheduled for March 3.

Cryptocurrency political action will be a factor in the 2026 election cycle. The industry political managers are running a sophisticated operation, targeting competitive races in the primary election, and as previously mentioned crafting their message not on cryptocurrency but rather issues that affect the particular district or state. The crypto industry promises to attract a great deal of political attention in the midterm election cycle.

New Minnesota Data Not So Lopsided

By Jim Ellis — Tuesday, February 17, 2026

ICE & Minnesota

A new Emerson College political survey suggests that the adverse publicity from the ICE controversy in Minneapolis may not be favoring Democrats to the degree one might have anticipated considering the intense media coverage surrounding the issue.

The Emerson College poll (Feb. 6-8; 1,000 likely Minnesota general election voters; multiple sampling techniques) actually finds that a plurality of the Minnesota poll respondents do not support abolishing ICE (42 percent in favor; 46 percent opposing), and recently recruited US Senate candidate Michele Tafoya (R), a former national sportscaster, trails in a general election ballot test by only six percentage points.

Tafoya fares basically the same when individually paired with both Lt. Gov. Peggy Flanagan (D) and Rep. Angie Craig (D-Prior Lake): 47-41 percent against Flanagan, and 47-40 percent opposite Craig.

Not surprisingly, as he is nationally, President Trump’s approval rating is upside-down, largely due to the ICE situation and negative perceptions about the economy. His Minnesota favorability index is 39.1 – 56.3 favorable to unfavorable.

Gov. Tim Walz’s (D) approval is also in negative territory (41.4 – 47.0 percent), and that is largely because of the public assistance program fraud scandal, a story that has temporarily disappeared because of the ICE coverage, but one that will certainly return during the campaign.

Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D), who is running for Governor, is positively regarded but not overwhelmingly so with a 48.1 – 40.7 percent favorability index. While Tafoya is already running relatively close to her potential Democratic opponents in the Senate race, Sen. Klobuchar posts positive ballot test results of more than 50 percent against two potential Republican opponents, state House Speaker Lisa Demuth (51.1 – 37.7 percent), and My Pillow company owner and spokesman Mike Lindell (52.8 – 30.9 percent).

Though Minnesota is the most loyal Democratic state in presidential campaigns – the last Republican national nominee to carry the domain was Richard Nixon in 1972 – the partisan divide is not in landslide proportions. In fact, through President Trump’s three campaigns, the combined Democratic nominees, Hillary Clinton, Joe Biden, and Kamala Harris, averaged 49.9 percent of the vote. For his part, Trump recorded an average support figure of 45.6 percent over the same three elections.

While the Democrats control all of the statewide positions in the Land of 10,000 Lakes, the congressional delegation is split evenly at 4D – 4R. In the legislature, Democrats have only a one seat majority in the state Senate, and the state House of Representatives is tied between the parties.

The Dave’s Redistricting App statisticians calculate a statewide partisan lean for Minnesota of 51.3D – 43.2R, but the Republican lean number still surpasses the Democratic figure in four of the eight congressional districts.

Another indication that the state could become more competitive than recent statewide election results suggest is the responses to the ICE and immigration questions on the Emerson College poll.

While the respondents certainly believe that the ICE presence in communities has been more harmful (60.2 percent) than beneficial (36.2 percent), a plurality of the survey participants (42.3 percent) would not only oppose disbanding ICE, but they also favor the Trump Administration’s immigration policies to that of the Biden Administration (35.0 percent).

The Republican leadership recruiting Tafoya, a well-known sports broadcasting figure in Minnesota throughout her entire career, appears as a strong move.

With the Democrats making offensive moves in the North Carolina, Maine, Texas, Ohio, and Alaska Senate races, Republicans need to expand their conversion opportunities beyond Michigan, New Hampshire, and Georgia. A competitive run from Tafoya in Minnesota could significantly boost their already strong chances of holding the Senate majority.

The Democrats would have to win four of their five top conversion opportunities to secure a bare Senate majority. They are attempting to expand their target list by adding Iowa, Nebraska, and Kansas to improve their chances. Conversely, Republicans even taking one Democratic seat away would more than likely seal their majority for another two years.

The initial Emerson College Minnesota poll suggests the state could soon ascend the national Republican Senate target list and become a race to watch.