Upcoming Reapportionment A Harbinger of Potential Major Political Shift

By Jim Ellis — Wednesday, Jan. 8, 2025

President

President-Elect Donald Trump / Photo by Gage Skidmore

The current mid-decade population calculations for the coming 2030 census and national reapportionment not only mean a potential major political shift in congressional district locations, but significant change may also come to the next decade’s presidential elections.

Yesterday, we covered the Brennan Center for Justice’s recently released 2030 census reapportionment projection that showed what could become a major partisan flip in the Republicans’ favor. The changes would also alter the presidential campaign strategies for the national elections coming in the ‘30s.

The big changes would include affecting in a major way the electoral vote counts within the Democrats’ two largest voting states of California and New York. The Brennan Center calculations, and those from the American Redistricting Project which released similar but not identical projections in October, see the Democrats losing six electoral votes from the two entities (four down in California; minus two in New York).

Looking at the estimated congressional district gains in the two large Republican strongholds of Texas and Florida (each state would gain four seats according to the BC calculations) adds an even more significant electoral vote increase presumably for a Republican presidential nominee as soon as the 2032 national election.

If the Brennan Center calculations were in effect for the 2024 election, for example, President-Elect Donald Trump’s 312-226 electoral vote victory would have been even larger.

Adding the changes in California, Florida, New York, and Texas along with other states that are projected to gain or lose single seats, the Trump EV victory total would have ballooned to a 322-216 margin. This means the net swing would have been a huge 20 electoral votes just from the population shifts projected for the next census and reapportionment.

To put in perspective just how large a margin is seen in this projected swing, the 2020 census saw only seven congressional districts change states. The result added a net three electoral votes to the Republican total, boosting a starting base of what became a Trump nomination to 235 from his actual 2020 total of 232 EVs.

Looking at the projected 2030 list of 14 states that will gain or lose representation from one to four seats apiece helps illustrate the evolving trends. Among Arizona, California, Florida, Idaho, Illinois, Minnesota, New York, North Carolina, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Texas, Utah, and Wisconsin, only two of the places, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin (both losing one seat), adversely affects the Republican vote count when overlayed with the 2024 Trump election.

At this point, we can mention that the American Redistricting Project found a slightly different calculation.

This organization projected both Georgia and Tennessee, the electorates from each of which voted for Trump, gaining one congressional seat apiece, while Wisconsin holds firm with an eight-district delegation. ARP then finds New York losing three seats and Florida gaining three. The Brennan Center found New York losing two and Florida gaining four. ARP also projected Illinois losing two seats as compared to the BC calculation suggesting that the Land of Lincoln would lose one.

Obviously, much will change in terms of population shift in the latter part of the current decade to alter the final outcome of the coming 2030 census reapportionment, so the differences between the BC and ARP calculations at this point are negligible.

The core population patterns, however, of great swings shifting away from the Northeast, Midwest, and Pacific Coast to the South and interior West look to significantly favor Republicans, and that trend is unlikely to change.

Taking the ultimate geographical shifts into account, we will see heightened political activity designed to enhance political persuasion in the affected states. Therefore, partisan messaging in the 2026 and ’28 election cycles will become another significant factor in determining whether the 2024 election, as some political observers believe, has launched a national political realignment that may culminate in the next census reapportionment.

Reapportionment Projection Shows Significant State Gains & Losses

California Congressional Districts

By Jim Ellis — Tuesday, Jan. 7, 2025

Reapportionment

Back in October, the American Redistricting Project released a national reapportionment estimate for the upcoming 2030 census, predicting which states would gain and lose congressional seats based upon unfolding population patterns. This week, the Brennan Center released their own reapportionment data, revealing some differentiation with the ARP conclusions.

Obviously, with half a decade to go before a new Census is conducted, no projection can be considered completely accurate because the population growth patterns will undoubtedly change at least to a degree over the next five years. Still, both the similarities and differences between the two projections are interesting to observe.

The similarities are much greater in number. Both organizations see California losing a whopping four seats, dropping the delegation size from 52 seats to 48. If these projections prove true, it will be only the second time in history that the Golden State will have lost representation. The first downgrade occurred in the 2020 census with a reduction of one district.

On the plus side, both data projections suggest that Texas will gain another four seats on top of the two they added in 2020 for a grand total of 42.

The other states that both organizations agree will gain one new seat are Arizona, Idaho, North Carolina, and Utah. Each agrees that the following states will lose one seat: Minnesota, Oregon, Pennsylvania, and Rhode Island.

The Oregon situation is interesting, because it suggests the Beaver State is on a path to relinquish the new seat they gained in the 2020 census. It is virtually unheard of to see a small population state gain in one census cycle but lose in the next.

Under the national reapportionment formula, the small states must show extreme population gains in order to add new seats, but also must experience extreme inhabitant lag in order to lose any of their congressional districts when compared to what happens in the larger states. Thus, Oregon, with a base of five districts and showing such diametrically opposite growth patterns in consecutive census cycles is a situation that has not before occurred in the modern era.

There are several differences between the projections. Both organizations find Florida in position to be another big gainer, however, the ARP sees the Sunshine State adding three new districts, while the Brennan Center believes the number will be four. If the latter calculation holds, Florida will increase its US House delegation size from 28 seats to 32.

While ARP projects Georgia and Tennessee to gain one seat apiece, the Brennan Center sees both holding their current House delegation quantity. In terms of seat losses, ARP sees New York losing three seats, while the Brennan Center projects a net loss of two. ARP also finds Illinois losing two seats, but BC calculates the Land of Lincoln loss count at only one.

The other difference is the Brennan Center projecting a one-seat loss for Wisconsin while ARP believes the Badger State count will remain at the current eight district level.

The Brennan organization also tracked the population shifts by region beginning in the decade of the 1960s to show how much the country’s migration patterns have changed over the course of what would be 70 years if their 2030 figures prove correct.

In the 60s, three geographic regions dominated the nation’s share of inhabitants. The Midwest and Plains states housed 125 congressional districts, the South 124, and the Northeast 117. Following was the West with 52, while the Rocky Mountain State region held only 17.

The 2030 projection shows big gains for the mountains and South. The Rocky Mountain region is expected to more than double its number of congressional districts from their level in the 1960s, growing from 17 to 36 seats. The South would expand by a third to 164 congressional districts, thus becoming the most populous region in the country. The West would increase to 66 from the 52 districts it held in the 60s.

The Midwest would have the largest reduction, going from 125 seats to 88, while the Northeast would see a similar decline, arriving at 81 seats from the 117 CDs they held in the 1960s.

While the 2030 projections will certainly change before the next Census is conducted, the regional patterns will probably be close to the mark. Therefore, we will see the South and West continue to grow with the colder climates in the Midwest and Northeast again attracting fewer inhabitants.

Gubernatorial Campaigns Projected to Affect US House Balance of Power

By Jim Ellis — Monday, Jan. 6, 2024

Governor

Term-limited Alabama Gov. Kay Ivey (R)

As the new Congress begins, election observers are already contemplating how the many open 2026 Governors’ campaigns might affect the razor-thin US House majority.

Looking toward next year’s election, a total of 36 states will host gubernatorial campaigns. In the 19 places where term limits are in effect, we will see open statewide contests. In many of these developing races, US House members are potential candidates. Therefore, protecting the small GOP majority with a large number of open seats becomes an even more difficult task.

Representatives who could run for an open Governor’s position are already rumored or announced in 10 states: Alabama, Colorado, Florida, Kansas, Maine, Michigan, Minnesota, New Jersey, South Carolina, and Tennessee.

Alabama Sen. Tommy Tuberville (R) opting to seek re-election instead of running for Governor opens the field to replace term-limited Gov. Kay Ivey (R).

It is unlikely that Rep. Mike Rogers (R-Weaver/Gadsen) will risk his role as chairman of the House Armed Services Committee to run for Governor, but he is considered a possible candidate. Rep. Gary Palmer (R-Hoover), chairman of the House Policy Committee, is also a potential gubernatorial contender.

Already, polling is suggesting that Rep. Joe Neguse (D-Lafayette/Boulder) is the leading potential candidate to succeed term-limited Colorado Gov. Jared Polis (D). Yet we can expect a lively Democratic primary possibly between Reps. Neguse and Jason Crow (D-Aurora). It is doubtful that any Centennial State Republican House member, largely comprised of freshmen, will jump into the open Governor’s campaign.

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis (R), being ineligible to seek a third term, leaves a wide-open succession field. The person DeSantis appoints as the new Senator when incumbent Marco Rubio is confirmed as the US Secretary of State may influence who runs for Governor. Rep. Byron Donalds (R-Naples) is the congressional member most often mentioned as having an interest in running for the office. The eventual GOP nominee will have the inside track of winning the next Sunshine State gubernatorial general election.

In Maine, all eyes are on whether Rep. Jared Golden (D-Lewiston) will attempt to replace term-limited Gov. Janet Mills (D). So far, Golden has not provided any hints about his future political plans.

The odd-year New Jersey open Governor race has already attracted two Democratic House members into the 2025 campaign, Reps. Mikie Sherrill (D-Montclair), who leads in early polling, and Josh Gottheimer (D-Wycoff) who enjoys a big edge in fundraising.

At the end of this term, Henry McMaster (R) will be the longest-serving Governor in South Carolina history but cannot run again to succeed himself. South Carolina has a two-term limit, but McMaster ascended to the office from his post as Lieutenant Governor when then-Gov. Nikki Haley resigned to become US Ambassador to the United Nations and did so during a time frame that still allowed him to run for two full terms.

A crowded open Republican primary field will form and could feature two US House members. Both Reps. Nancy Mace (R-Charleston) and Ralph Norman (R-Rock Hill) have indicated they are considering gubernatorial bids. Mace has also not quelled speculation that she could challenge Sen. Lindsey Graham (R) as he seeks renomination for a fifth term.

In Tennessee, several Republican House members are considering a bid for Governor but could be effectively blocked should just re-elected Sen. Marsha Blackburn (R) continue to make moves suggesting that she will run.

Reps. Tim Burchett (R-Knoxville), Andy Ogles (R-Columbia), John Rose (R-Cookeville), and Mark Green (R-Clarksville) have all either indicated they are considering running for Governor or speculation has surrounded them regarding launching such a campaign. Incumbent Republican Bill Lee is ineligible to run for a third term.

While a midterm election cycle typically attracts lower voter interest, 2026 will feature a large number of competitive statewide campaigns. Expect the many open Governors’ races to also ignite a round of political musical chairs in several US House delegations.

NC Gov. Cooper “Not Done”; Rep. Evans to Return in Jan.; After the CR Vote; Oakland’s Mayoral Special Election

By Jim Ellis — Friday, Jan. 3, 2025

Governor

North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper (D)

North Carolina: Gov. Cooper “Not Done” — In his farewell address as North Carolina’s Governor, outgoing incumbent Roy Cooper (D) confirmed speculation that he has designs on running for another office. Cooper, as part of his departure speech, said he is “not done” with public service and left a broad hint that his name will again be on a ballot.

The unanswered question is whether Gov. Cooper will challenge Sen. Thom Tillis (R) in 2026 or begin to prepare a long range campaign for President in 2028. It is apparent that Cooper will be a part of at least one of those political endeavors.

House

PA-3: Rep. Evans Looking to Return in January — Pennsylvania Rep. Dwight Evans (D-Philadelphia), who has not been voting in the House since May because he suffered a stroke, announced that he has recovered to the point of returning to work in January. Despite not being able to fully serve for months, Rep. Evans was unopposed for re-election to a 5th term in November. Prior to being elected to Congress, Evans served in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives for 35 years.

CR Vote: Quarter of GOP No Votes Not Returning — A significant number of the Republican House members who opposed the final continuing resolution package are not returning to the body in January.

Two members, Reps. Jim Banks (R-IN) and John Curtis (R-UT), were elected to the Senate in November. Three, Reps. Bob Good (R-VA), Dan Bishop (R-NC), and Alex Mooney (R-WV), lost races for re-election (Good), state Attorney General (Bishop), and US Senate (Mooney). Since the election, Bishop has been nominated to serve as President-Elect Trump’s Director of the Office of Management & Budget.

Three more individuals, Reps. Debbie Lesko (R-AZ), Greg Lopez (R-CO), and Matt Rosendale (R-MT), are retiring from the House. Lesko was elected to the Maricopa County Board of Supervisors in November. Lopez won a special election when then-Rep. Ken Buck (R) resigned but did not run for a full term.

Cities

Oakland, CA: Special Election Mayoral Candidate Speculation — Mayor Sheng Thao (D) was recalled by the voters on Nov. 5, and the Oakland City Council has set April 15 for the replacement election. Already, some prominent names are surfacing as potential candidates.

The first is outgoing Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Oakland), who ran unsuccessfully for the Senate earlier in the year and as a result risked her US House seat. Another is former NFL and University of California at Berkeley football star Marshawn Lynch, who has also been mentioned as a potential contender. Neither individual has yet confirmed interest in running, but both would be formidable candidates.

The current interim Mayor, City Council President Nikki Fortunato Bas (D), will not be a candidate in the special election. She was elected to the Alameda County Board of Supervisors on Nov. 5 and will be assuming her new position at the beginning of the year.

Lara Trump Out in Florida;
Vance Senate Replacement Update

By Jim Ellis — Thursday, Jan. 2, 2025

Senate

Lara Trump / Photo by Gage Skidmore

Former Republican National Committee Co-Chair Lara Trump announced before Christmas that she is removing herself from consideration to replace Secretary of State-designate Marco Rubio as Senator in Florida, and there are new signals emerging about who will succeed Vice President-Elect J.D. Vance via similar appointment.

Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) will appoint a new Florida Senator upon Rubio being confirmed as Secretary of State. Therefore, expect an individual who is close to DeSantis to be chosen. Lt. Gov. Jeanette Nunez, Attorney General Ashley Moody, and ex-state House Speaker Jose Olivo are possible Rubio successors. DeSantis says he will announce his choice sometime in January.

Sen. Rubio will likely be one of the first Trump nominees confirmed since his position is one of the more important and the approval process before his 99 colleagues is expected to progress smoothly. There is little suggestion that he will lose any Republican votes and is likely to attract some crossover Democratic support.

Possibly, a reason for Ms. Trump’s withdrawal from consideration is an understanding that Gov. DeSantis is headed in another direction. He certainly will pick someone who has a campaign background and the ability to raise funds. Ms. Trump fit the bill concerning both of those qualifications but is not a Florida political insider. Ms. Trump hails from North Carolina and the Eric Trump family has lived in Florida for only a short time.

Whoever Gov. DeSantis selects will have to run to serve the balance of the term in 2026, and then again in 2028 when the seat next comes in-cycle for a full six-year term. Therefore, the new Senator will be in heavy fundraising mode for a full four-year period since Florida, the state with the third largest population, is a very expensive place in which to campaign.

Ohio — The Ohio appointment is interesting in that the top prospects are all saying they instead want to run in the state’s open Governor’s contest. Originally, it appeared that both Lt. Gov. Jon Husted and Attorney General Dave Yost were thought to be the top appointment contenders. Both had already announced they were running for Governor and each reiterated he wanted to stay in the race.

Another potential appointment, Secretary of State Frank LaRose who ran unsuccessfully for the Senate in 2024, is also expressing interest in the Governor’s race. LaRose is thought of a long-shot appointment since he is well to the right of Gov. Mike DeWine, therefore it’s unlikely that the latter man would look in the Secretary’s direction.

Recent indications, however, suggest that Lt. Gov. Husted could still become Gov. DeWine’s choice for the Senate seat if Husted would change his intention and accept the position. Appointing Husted would make sense because it would save the Republicans from enduring a difficult and potentially divisive gubernatorial primary principally between he and Yost.

As in Florida, the new Ohio Senator will have to run in 2026 to fill the balance of the term, and then again in 2028 when the seat comes in-cycle for its six-year term. Therefore, it would behoove the Republicans to have a candidate who is experienced in running statewide campaigns and has the type of fundraising base that can sustain him or her through what will be a very expensive four-year political period, particularly if outgoing Sen. Sherrod Brown (D) decides to run in either 2026, 2028, or both.

In Brown’s unsuccessful re-election bid this year, he became the second most prolific fundraiser of all Senate candidates, attracting over $103 million in cycle financial receipts. Therefore, GOP fundraising would become an even greater priority if Brown becomes the new Senator’s opponent.

One group essentially disqualified from receiving a Senate appointment in either Florida and Ohio are Republican US House members. Already down a potential three seats until special elections are held due to Trump Administration nominations, the scant Republican majority cannot afford further leakage. Therefore, neither Governor will choose a Representative for the Senate appointment.

Merry Christmas & Happy Holidays (Plus, Gaetz’s Rumored Return)


Merry Christmas & Happy Holidays, everyone. Ellis Insight will be taking a break over the holidays. Today will be our last post this year. We’ll return Thursday, Jan. 2, 2025 with continuing updates.

By Jim Ellis — Tuesday, Dec. 24, 2024

House

Resigned Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fort Walton Beach)

In the fervor of the continuing resolution battle, a rumored side story may soon be picking up steam. Some are speculating that resigned Rep. Matt Gaetz may now take his seat when the new Congress commences on Jan. 3 at least for a short period.

Considering that more chatter surrounds Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA) as becoming politically weaker through the CR fight seemingly makes a Gaetz return potentially more probable.

The resigned Congressman’s story never seems to end. To review, when Gaetz left the House in mid-November, he could do so only for the current term. He said in his resignation letter, however, that it is his “intent” to resign for the coming term.

In the Nov. 5 election, Gaetz was re-elected with 66 percent of the vote, so should he change his mind and decide to take the oath of office it would be difficult to craft an argument to deny him since his election percentage was overwhelming.

The speculation regarding him taking the oath of office on Jan. 3 appears to be twofold. First, he may now want to participate in the Speaker’s vote if he believes Johnson is beatable. His second reason could possibly be to release congressional “MeToo” names in retaliation for the House Ethics Committee members reversing course and publicizing their findings in his case.

Should Gaetz actually return, it is believed that he would only serve for a matter of days before resigning again to assume his recently agreed upon news anchor duties with the OAN Network. Yet, can any current political move be considered “a sure thing?”

How this situation concludes will likely depend upon the way in which the continuing resolution battle is resolved. If the government is shut down and remains so through the Jan. 3 congressional commencement, the odds may grow that Gaetz would take his seat to participate in what would be a historic, yet wholly chaotic, Speaker election on the House floor.

Remembering Kevin McCarthy’s Speaker election of two years ago, which consumed 15 rounds of roll calls, such a scenario as described above would likely make the coming Speaker vote even more noteworthy.

At this point, the possibility of Gaetz taking office for a short number of days is unlikely to affect the special election calendar that Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) scheduled to fill his vacant 1st District seat for the new Congress. The special Republican primary is scheduled for Jan. 28 with the associated special general election on April 1.

Should Gaetz rescind his resignation intent and indicate he will serve the balance of the new term, he would likely have the right to do so, and the special election would be canceled.

Currently, nine Republicans, one Democrat, one Independent, and several qualified write-in candidates are competing for the seat in the special election. In what has continually proven to be Florida’s safest Republican seat (the FiveThirtyEight data organization rates FL-1 as R+38) the Gaetz succession battle will likely be determined in the late January special Republican primary.

Though nine candidates are on the ballot, it is apparent the race is narrowing to two contenders: Florida CFO Jimmy Petronis and state Rep. Joel Rudman (R-Navarre). Most of the Republican establishment, including President-Elect Donald Trump and Florida Sen. Rick Scott (R-FL), have endorsed Petronis. Several strong contenders dropped out of the race once Petronis received those endorsements, and likewise pledged their support to the current statewide official.

Once again, we see another unique political situation, and this one, too, merits watching all the way through conclusion.

North Carolina Senate:
Another Tight Race Forecast

By Jim Ellis — Monday, Dec. 23, 2024

Senate

North Carolina Sen. Thom Tillis (R-NC)

Tar Heel State Sen. Thom Tillis (R) stands for re-election to a third term in 2026, and another tough campaign is looming for him on the political horizon. In fact, history shows us that the preponderance of North Carolina political contests end in razor-thin victory margins.

Looking at the key statewide races since and including 2016, the winning percentages were as follows: 2016 President (Trump 49.8 percent); 2016 Senate (Burr 51.1 percent); 2016 Governor (Cooper 49.0 percent); 2020 President (Trump 49.9) percent; 2020 Senate (Tillis 49.9 percent); 2020 Governor (Cooper 51.5 percent); 2022 Senate (Budd 50.5 percent); 2024 President (Trump 50.9 percent).

As you can see, regardless of political party affiliation or even incumbency, a typical North Carolina campaign is extremely close. Therefore, Sen. Tillis can expect another close finish in 2026 especially if his Democratic opponent is outgoing Gov. Roy Cooper, which is a distinct possibility. Gov. Cooper is also speculated upon as a potential 2028 presidential candidate.

Sen. Tillis, the former Speaker of the North Carolina House of Representatives, was originally elected to the Senate in 2014 when he unseated then-Sen. Kay Hagan (D) with 48.8 percent of the vote in another close electoral contest that ended in a 1.5 percentage point victory spread for the GOP challenger.

In 2020, Sen. Tillis trailed in the polls for almost the entire campaign, but rebounded to defeat Democrat Cal Cunningham after the latter man was caught in an ongoing extramarital affair. Sen. Tillis would post a two-point win but fell short of the 50 percent mark.

According to the Real Clear Politics polling archives, 28 surveys were conducted of the 2020 NC Senate race during the final month of the campaign. Cunningham led in 24 of the polls, and Sen. Tillis in only two, while two results found the men tied. The associated negative publicity relating to Cunningham’s extramarital affair helped turn the race Tillis’ way, along with the pollsters consistently under-counting the Republican support factor which is often the case in the southern states.

In 2026, it is conceivable that Sen. Tillis may face primary opposition, particularly if he decides to oppose one or more of the Trump cabinet nominees. Previously, Tillis had little trouble in his primaries, however.

He received 78 percent of the vote in 2020 and won a crowded initial primary in 2014 with 45.7 percent of the vote against seven Republican opponents. North Carolina has a 30 percent runoff law, so it is unlikely that a 2026 primary will produce a field of candidates with low enough support to force a secondary election. Therefore, expect a nominee to come forth through one intra-party election in both parties.

While Gov. Cooper would be the Democratic leadership’s first choice to oppose Sen. Tillis, there is no guarantee that he will run, possibly due to the lure of an open Democratic presidential primary season beginning just weeks after the 2026 midterm elections conclude.

Rep. Wiley Nickel (D-Cary) didn’t seek a second term in the House because his 13th Congressional District turned red in the 2023 redistricting plan. Instead, Nickel announced that he would bypass a 2024 re-election campaign in order to challenge Sen. Tillis in 2026. Therefore, the Democrats are guaranteed of having at least one credible candidate to make a Senate run in the next statewide election.

In the 2026 Senate races, Republicans will be in a defensive position similar to the way Democrats were defending themselves in ’24. Counting the yet-to-be named Senators from Ohio and Florida when Sens. J.D. Vance (R-OH) and Marco Rubio (R-FL) assume their new positions as Vice President and Secretary of State and resign from the Senate, Republicans will be defending 22 seats and Democrats only 13. In the 2024 election, Democrats had to defend 23 seats as compared to the Republicans’ 11.

Clearly, the North Carolina race, mostly due to the state’s voter history that features such close elections, will be at the top of the Democrats’ conversion target list. Therefore, we can count on paying close attention to the Tar Heel State race throughout the entire election cycle.