Election Day Preview

By Jim Ellis — Tuesday, Nov. 4, 2025

Elections

The major odd-numbered elections are upon us with early voting completed and election day occurring today in New Jersey, New York City, and Virginia. Polling projects a good night forthcoming for Democrats, but the available early voting statistics suggest Republicans might be stronger than the polls indicate.

New Jersey

The open Governor’s race is the main focus on the Garden State ballot, and it may well become the most interesting contest to follow tonight.

The polling momentum has closed in Republican Jack Ciattarelli’s favor with the latest five publicly released surveys from the Oct. 25-30 period finding Rep. Mikie Sherrill (D-Montclair) holding an average 3.4 percentage point advantage. This number is down from a much higher range, usually in the upper single digits, for most of the race.

Furthermore, if the SoCal Strategies poll (Oct. 28-29; 800 likely New Jersey voters) is removed from the group because its seven-point spread (52-45 percent) is an outlier when compared with the other four (Atlas Intel, Emerson College, Quantus Insights, and Suffolk University), the Sherrill average point lead drops to 2.5.

Additionally, Ciattarelli has under-polled in his previous races, particularly in the primary earlier this year and by a large amount. Going into the five-way 2025 Republican primary, Ciattarelli’s highest preference number was 54 percent yet he ended with a 68 percent actual vote total. Should this Ciattarelli under-poll pattern continue in this year’s general election, we could see an upset.

New Jersey early voting statistics are not as available as in some other places, but Ciattarelli’s assessment that more Republicans are voting early that ever before appears correct. According to CBS News, approximately 514,500 Democrats have voted early as compared to an approximate 279,000 Republicans, and 177,000 non-affiliated and minor party voters.

These raw number figures translate into 56.5 percent of the early voters being Democrats, 30.6 percent Republicans, and 12.9 percent non-affiliated and others. While the Democrats lead the early vote count, their percentage is down from 2024 when the Dems accounted for 68.0 percent of the early voting participation numbers and 2022 when their percentage was 59.9 according to the Target Early Target Smart organization calculations.

Though the 2025 Republican number is much smaller than the Democratic percentage, it is up from 27.4 percent in 2024, but down from a 32.2 percent participation factor in 2022. The Non-affiliated/ Other category accounted for 4.7 percent of the early voters in 2024 and 7.9 percent in 2022. Therefore, the NA/O segment’s 12.9 percent early turnout is considerably ahead of the previous elections.

New York City

While Assemblyman and New York City mayoral nominee Zohran Mamdani’s (D) polling percentages are falling somewhat as Election Day dawns, the three-way candidate structure virtually assures that he will win tomorrow’s election, but likely with only a plurality of the votes.

While the majority of NYC voters are likely to choose a mayoral candidate other than the Democratic nominee, the split between former Gov. Andrew Cuomo (I) and Republican Curtis Sliwa will benefit Mamdani.

Since the race has not changed greatly since Cuomo entered under a minor party label after losing the Democratic primary, today’s outcome is unlikely to be surprising.

Virginia

In the Old Dominion’s gubernatorial race, former Rep. Abigail Spanberger is clearly favored to defeat Republican Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears and convert the commonwealth’s Governorship to the Democrats. Incumbent Gov. Glenn Youngkin (R) is ineligible to seek re-election under the only one-term limit law in the country.

The final five Virginia gubernatorial polls conducted during the Oct. 25-31 period (from Atlas Intel, Echelon Insights, Insider Advantage/Trafalgar Group, SoCal Strategies, and State Navigate) give Spanberger leads of between four and 12 points, margins she has maintained for most of the election cycle.

Yet, the early vote numbers tend to suggest an improved GOP standing. All five of the state’s congressional districts where the electorate sends a Republican to the US House have substantially improved their early vote participation rates when compared to 2021.

According to the latest available reports from the Virginia Public Access Project (VPAP), the statewide increase in early voting is just under 10 percent. All five Republican House districts, however, are up between 20 and 41.9 percent in early voting participation through Friday.

From the six Democratic districts, only two report increased turnout compared to 2021, and even this pair’s increase is below the statewide average. The other four Democratic congressional districts, at least through Friday’s count, have failed to equal their previous 2021 early voting numbers.

Since Virginia’s early voting numbers are not measured by political party preference, largely because the Old Dominion does not register voters by party, it is difficult to tell if the congressional district breakdowns accurately reflect the partisan composition of 2025 early voting.

The clue, however, that the Republican represented districts are all substantially up in early voting and most of the Democratic seats are down should suggest that Republicans are likely to outperform their polling standing.

Furthermore, it is important to remember that the Republicans won the 2021 election, so Democrats falling behind their losing benchmark numbers from the previous election is another clue that 2025 Virginia voter enthusiasm is higher on the GOP side.

The most likely outcome of tomorrow’s election, however, is a Spanberger victory, a closer Lieutenant Governor’s race, but one that still suggests a slight victory for Democratic nominee Ghazala Hashmi, and a Republican victory for Attorney General Jason Miyares, largely due to the controversy surrounding Democratic nominee Jay Jones.

Updates on Louisiana, Maryland,
& Ohio Redistricting Plans

Maryland Congressional Districts

Maryland Congressional Districts (Click on map to see interactive version on DavesRedistricting.org.)

By Jim Ellis — Monday, Nov. 3, 2025

Redistricting

We saw redistricting moves occur in several states last week. Below is a recap of the action:

Louisiana

As the redistricting world awaits the US Supreme Court’s ruling on the Louisiana racial gerrymandering case, the Bayou State’s Governor and legislature passed legislation to move the state’s primary in anticipation of a ruling coming well after the first of next year.

Previously, the legislature and Gov. Jeff Landry (R) changed the Louisiana primary system to do away with their jungle primary held concurrently with the general election and an accompanying December runoff for those races where no candidate received majority support on the initial vote.

The new primary system returned to a partisan format scheduled for April 18, 2026, with a two-candidate runoff on May 30 for the races where no candidate received majority support.

The legislation passed earlier last week, now on its way to Gov. Landry for his signature, would move the initial primary date to May 16 with the associated runoff election on June 27.

Changing the primary will give the state more time to adjust their congressional map to adhere to whatever the Supreme Court eventually decides. The change also gives the candidates more time to campaign in the Senate primary where several contenders are mounting GOP nomination challenges against Sen. Bill Cassidy.

Maryland

It appears the Maryland legislature will not engage in another redistricting. According to a report from The Down Ballot political blog, state Senate President Bill Ferguson (D-Baltimore) sent a letter to his colleagues saying that the Senate leadership “is choosing not to move forward with mid-cycle congressional redistricting.”

Sen. Ferguson’s argument is that redrawing the current map “… could reopen the ability for someone to challenge” the present plan upon which the Democrats were able to routinely claim seven of the state’s eight congressional seats. Basically, the Senate President was explaining he was not going to risk a 7D-1R map for an uncertain attempt to add one more to the Democratic column.

Without the Senate’s participation, redistricting in Maryland will not occur. Thus, we see a break for the state’s lone Republican Congressman, Andy Harris (R-Cambridge), and the national Republican goal of maximizing their number of seats through mid-decade redistricting.

Ohio

The Buckeye State has both a complicated redistricting system and law. The process first starts with a commission of elected officials who authorize the drawing of maps, then votes upon and presents the approved plan to each house of the legislature. A map must receive three-fifths support in both houses to remain in place for the entire decade. Passing with a lesser amount means the plan can stand for only two elections. The Governor retains veto power over the completed legislative process.

Since the 2021 congressional plan failed to receive three-fifths support in both the state House of Representatives and Senate, it could only remain in place for the 2022 and 2024 elections. Therefore, Ohio must enact a new congressional plan before the 2026 election.

The bipartisan commission came to an agreement on a map last week, which will now be reported to the legislature. Understanding that the Republicans have strong majorities in both houses, but not three-fifths strength, the plan appears to give the GOP a chance to increase their delegation share by two seats.

The partisan percentage increase in both principal targets, however, appears to still make Democratic victories possible. The purpose of the compromise is to obtain enough bipartisan support to keep a new map intact for the decade’s remaining elections.

Statistics for the districts are not yet publicly available, but the new plan appears to make Districts 7, 9, and 13 slightly more Republican.

District 7 is already a Republican seat that two-term Congressman Max Miller (R-Rocky River) represents. The 9th is veteran Democratic Congresswoman Marcy Kaptur’s Toledo-anchored seat where her victory margin under the current boundaries fell to less than a percentage point in 2024. Finally, the politically marginal Akron anchored 13th CD is also made a bit redder. Rep. Emilia Sykes (D-Akron) has averaged just under 52 percent in two consecutive elections.

Both Reps. Kaptur and Sykes were going to be major 2026 Republican targets and this map will make them only slightly more vulnerable.

Republicans were also looking to target 1st District Congressman Greg Landsman (D-Cincinnati), but this map keeps the district in the marginal category and likely makes the Congressman at least a slight favorite for re-election.

Much more will be known when the map statistics and voting history under the new boundaries become publicly available. Until then, the swing margins remain points of conjecture.

New York Poll: Stefanik Over Hochul

By Jim Ellis — Friday, Oct. 31, 2025

Governor

Rep. Elise Stefanik / Photo by Gage Skidmore, Flickr

Unofficial 2026 New York gubernatorial candidate Elise Stefanik, the North Country (NY-21) Republican Congresswoman, has taken a small lead over Gov. Kathy Hochul (D) according to a Manhattan Institute survey. The poll (Oct. 22-26; 900 likely New York voters; live interview & text) finds Stefanik carrying a 43-42 percent edge over the Governor who is seeking a second full four-year term.

The margin is more significant than a simple one-point lead, however. The polling universe is over-sampled toward New York City. Of the 900 people in the sampling pool, only 300 are outside of New York City. The fact that Stefanik is even close, let alone virtually even with the Governor, when two-thirds of the polling sample comes from a population universe where only 11 percent are registered as Republicans is surprising to say the least.

The result is even more unexpected when the most recently released gubernatorial polls, from GrayHouse Polling (Sept. 20-26; 900 registered New York voters) and Siena College (Sept. 8-10; 802 registered New York voters) projected Gov. Hochul leading by five points (48-43 percent) and a whopping 25 points (52-27 percent), respectively.

It is highly unusual to see a poll such as the Manhattan Institute’s that would split their polling sample in a manner where two-thirds of the respondents are located in one area when such a region comprises only 46 percent of the state population.

To counter for the oversample, the Manhattan pollsters said they have weighted the responses to reflect the proper population dispersion geographically and demographically.

While the sample is unusual, the poll’s main objective was to survey the current NYC Mayor’s race. Relating to the local ballot test question, asked only of the New York City respondents, state Assemblyman Zohran Mamdani (D) leads former Gov. Andrew Cuomo (I) and Republican Curtis Sliwa, 43-28-19 percent.

The mayoral ballot test does, to an extent, help explain Stefanik’s vastly improved standing. While Assemblyman Mamdani leads the race and is likely to win the mayoral position with a plurality, the majority of the polling respondents, and likely the actual voters culminating on the Nov. 4 Election Day, appear to be voting for a different candidate.

With Gov. Hochul now publicly endorsing the self-proclaimed socialist Mamdani, it is not as surprising that the non-Mamdani voters might look beyond the incumbent in the next Governor’s race.

With Stefanik closing a gap of at least five percentage points, and arguably more in a short period (the 25-point lead that Siena College found in early September, however, is likely an outlier at least in the context of the present time), suggests something major has occurred to sway opinions.

It is reasonable to believe that the negative public talk and coverage describing how Mamdani’s policies would affect the New York City citizenry has certainly contributed to the political wind beginning to blow in Congresswoman Stefanik’s favor.

A Mamdani election victory will be transformational, but the negatives could conceivably outweigh the positives if the critics’ analyses prove accurate. Furthermore, the effects of what will be newly implemented policies involving the economy, housing, and policing, will be at least somewhat evident before voters again go to the polls in November 2026 to choose a Governor.

Considering this new gubernatorial election polling data, and assuming the Stefanik organization internal surveys are in sync with the public results, it is probable that we will see an official gubernatorial campaign announcement coming from the North Country Congresswoman after the mayoral election and before the end of the year.

With the Mamdani candidacy igniting new political fires for both liberals and conservatives, the 2026 New York Governor’s race will assume a much different posture, and one sure to have national political implications.

New Jersey Getting Closer

By Jim Ellis — Thursday, Oct. 30, 2025

Governor

(L-R) New Jersey gubernatorial candidates Jack Ciattarelli (R) and Mikie Sherrill (D)

With Garden State early voting just getting underway in earnest, the three latest publicly released New Jersey Governor polls are all showing a tightening contest between Democratic Rep. Mikie Sherrill (D-Montclair) and Republican gubernatorial nominee Jack Ciattarelli.

The three polls were conducted between the Oct. 23-27 period from a trio of individual survey research entities. The margin between the two candidates ranged from one to four percentage points. While the margin has closed, Rep. Sherrill continues to post a lead in virtually every survey.

The most recent study, from Quantus Insights (Oct. 26-27; 1,380 likely New Jersey voters), sees the Sherrill lead at 49-46 percent. The co/efficient firm (Oct. 23-27; 995 likely New Jersey voters) projects an even closer 48-47 percent. Within the same time realm, A2 Insights (Oct. 24-26; 812 likely New Jersey voters) shows the four-point spread for Sherrill at 51-47 percent.

These latest three studies show a significant closing of the race when compared with the three surveys released days before. Each of those found Sherrill holding a much more substantial lead.

The previous set of three polls were conducted during the Oct. 3-20 period, though the final two were fully sampled between Oct. 16-20. The Rutgers-Eagleton poll (Oct. 3-17; 795 likely New Jersey voters) featured a long sampling period that consumed the predominant portion of the sampling time listed above. The R-E results found Sherrill topping Ciattarelli, 50-45 percent.

The other two polls were from Concord Public Opinion Partners (Oct. 16-18; 605 likely New Jersey voters) and GQR Research, the latter formerly known as Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research but now has two new principal partners (Oct. 15-20; 1,000 likely New Jersey voters). While Concord saw a nine-point Sherrill advantage at 49-40 percent, GQR projected an even wider Sherrill margin at 52-40 percent.

Therefore, among the six polls commissioned throughout the preponderance of October’s days, we see a net six-point swing in Ciattarelli’s favor. This suggests the important closing momentum may be turning in his direction.

Additionally, keep in mind that the polling history involving political campaigns with Ciattarelli on the ballot has woefully underestimated his electoral strength. In his 2021 challenge to Gov. Phil Murphy (D), polling pegged Ciattarelli posting an average of approximately 43 percent support. His actual vote total was 48.0 percent.

The 2025 Republican primary election provided even more stark evidence of under-assessing a candidate’s strength. While the polls leading up to the June primary election found Ciattarelli with high-water final polling marks of 54, 50, and 44 percent within the five-candidate primary election field, Ciattarelli’s actual percentage was 67.8, and far beyond what pollsters cumulatively predicted.

Therefore, if past polling history is any indication of what may happen in Tuesday’s final result, we could see a very close finish or even a Ciattarelli upset.

Despite New Jersey being a reliably Democratic state in federal and national elections, a single party has not won three consecutive gubernatorial elections since a pair of Republican Governors together served 10 consecutive years in office from 1944-1954.

Should Sherrill win next week, giving the Democrats three consecutive terms counting outgoing Gov. Murphy’s two election wins, she will have broken the alternating streak that has remained intact for 71 years.

Indiana Joins Redistricting Battle

Current Indiana US House Congressional Districts map / Click on image to go to interactive version on Dave’s Redistricting App.

By Jim Ellis — Wednesday, Oct. 29, 2025

Redistricting

It appears we are seeing another state poised to join the mid-decade redistricting wars as an active participant.

Indiana Gov. Mike Braun (R) summoned the legislature back into session on Monday to work several issues and congressional redistricting is expected to be among them. It is now clear that Indiana will play a major role in how the new redistricting wave unfolds.

Developments favorable to Democrats in certain other states have now put selected Republican state leaders under further political pressure to attempt to neutralize those projected gains.

Indiana is one such place. Reports have been in the public domain for weeks saying that the White House, including Vice President J.D. Vance, who has met with Hoosier State legislative leaders on more than one occasion, have been overtly working to convince reluctant legislators to move forward. Gov. Braun has been supportive of the effort from the beginning.

Now, it appears we will see movement. The current Indiana congressional map features seven Republicans and two Democrats, but some believe the legislature could draw a 9R-0D map. Whether they go that far remains to be seen.

The Republicans’ obvious first target will be northwestern Indiana Congressman Frank Mrvan (D-Highland/Gary). His 1st District has become more competitive as evidenced by his lower than expected 53 percent average in his last two elections. Additionally, the Republican who ran strongly against Rep. Mrvan in 2022, retired US Air Force officer Jennifer-Ruth Green, is reportedly open to running again in a more favorable district.

The state’s other Democratic member is Rep. Andre Carson (D-Indianapolis), who has served nine full terms and part of another. Carson’s current 7th District is solidly Democratic (Dave’s Redistricting App partisan lean: 67.9D – 29.0R) meaning the new map would have to break his district into segments in order to create another Republican seat.

If the map-drawers pursue such a course, the pie-shaped format might be overlayed into the Indianapolis region. The pie-shape concept brings contiguous districts into a metro area sometimes for partisan reasons, though many point out that such a draw gives a particular metropolitan area more representation and thus the region has a stronger presence in Congress.

Should the Indiana legislators adopt such a strategy, Districts 4 (Rep. Jim Baird-R), 5 (Rep. Victoria Spartz-R), and 6 (Rep. Jefferson Shreve-R), would likely be fundamentally reconfigured. It is probable all of these districts would come into Marion County (only Rep. Shreve’s District 6 does now) to take a piece of Indianapolis city and non-city precincts, thereby stretching the 7th CD into more rural Republican areas.

Polling is now suggesting the California redistricting referendum will pass on Nov. 4 (latest released California survey: Emerson College — Yes 57, No 37). Therefore, Democrats could be in position to gain five Golden State seats according to the party’s projections.

Additionally, the Utah courts have ordered a redraw of that state’s congressional map because of a ruling saying the legislature, when constructing the current plan in 2021, ignored map construction criteria that voters approved in the previous decade. As a result, Democrats are likely to gain one seat from the Beehive State.

Therefore, Democrats will potentially gain six seats in California and Utah, and possibly one more if Maryland decides to redistrict.

There is also public discussion occurring indicating that Virginia could join the redraw fray if former Congresswoman Abigail Spanberger (D) wins the Governor’s race on Nov. 4. Even with a Democratic trifecta (Governor, state Senate, and state House of Delegates, which would occur with a Spanberger victory), redistricting would be no sure thing.

Virginia now has a hybrid redistricting commission composed of elected officials and citizens that have map drawing power. Therefore, the legislature will have to change the state’s redistricting structure in order to replace the current map. If they find a way, however, the Democrats could certainly make gains in the state since Republicans now hold five of Virginia’s 11 congressional districts.

Republicans would still come out ahead toward their goal of expanding the GOP Conference despite the aforementioned Democratic gains, however. It is probable that five seats would come from Texas, one on Missouri’s new map, one from North Carolina, all of which are complete, and further possible additions from Indiana as discussed, Florida, and Ohio (gaining two in each state). Louisiana and Alabama would likely follow suit if the Supreme Court eventually upholds the lower court ruling on the case currently before the justices.

Surprising Early Voting in Virginia

By Jim Ellis — Tuesday, Oct. 28, 2025

Early Voting

The statisticians at the Virginia Public Access Project (VPAP) have been tracking the available early vote numbers and their excellent reports are finding an unexpected trend.

Through Oct. 24, early voting in Virginia is running ahead of its 2021 statewide pace. In 2021, 1,194,252 people voted before Election Day. Through Oct. 24 of this year, 898,559 have voted, or 75.2 percent of 2021’s early participants. In ‘21, a total of 36.3 percent of Virginia voters cast their ballots before Election Day.

According to VPAP, the 2025 totals are running almost 45% higher than the 2021 early voting pace. At this point in time four years ago, 619,738 individuals had voted 11 days before the election. This means almost half (48%) of the ’21 early voters cast their ballot in the last week prior to Election Day.

The most surprising early trend, however, is that the five Republican congressional districts are outperforming all six Democratic districts in terms of comparing their own 2021 early vote turnout figures to the present numbers.

According to the Oct. 24 VPAP report, District 9 (Rep. Morgan Griffith-R) has already seen more early voters this year (73,655) than it did in all of 2021 (72,503). According to the Dave’s Redistricting App statisticians, the 9th is the Republicans’ strongest Virginia congressional district (69.7R – 29.1D), meaning the early vote number appears to be good news for the three statewide ballot nominees.

The district with the most early voters so far (125,257) is Rep. Rob Wittman’s (R-Montross) 1st CD. The current raw number represents 98.4 percent of the 1st District’s total 2021 early votes. In the previous Virginia election from four years ago, VA-1 ranked third in early voting participation. The 1st has a partisan lean of 54.1R – 44.1D (Dave’s Redistricting App calculations).

Another related surprising trend is that all five Republican congressional districts have also exceeded the statewide early vote participation benchmark figure of 75.2 percent based upon 2021’s final early vote total. None of the six Democratic congressional electorates have individually reached the 75.2 percent early vote participation percentage this year.

Conversely, Northern Virginia’s early vote turnout, the heartland of Democratic strength in the state, is performing well below its previous pace.

In 2021, the top early voting district in the state was CD-10 (Rep. Subhas Subramanyam-D) with a final early vote total of 139,806 individuals. This year, District 10 ranks 5th in early vote turnout percentage when compared to its previous 2021 final number. The 10th’s 2025 turnout percentage is 59.0 percent based upon the 2021 final performance figure.

The district with the largest drop-off so far when compared to its 2021 performance is the Alexandria/Arlington-anchored 8th CD (Rep. Don Beyer-D). In 2021, the 8th District had the fourth highest early voting raw number participation in the state, but this year it ranks 10th of the 11 Virginia congressional districts. Through Oct. 24, the 8th District has seen only 58.1 percent of its early voting number from 2021 come to the polls. This percentage ranks last in the state.

The best performing early voting northern Virginia district to date is District 11 (Rep. James Walkinshaw-D), yet its 66.1 percent early turnout rate when compared to 2021 performance only ranks 9th in the state, down from sixth.

The biggest position gainers among the 11 congressional districts are VA-5 (Rep. John McGuire-R) and VA-6 (Rep. Ben Cline-R). Both have moved up five slots when compared to their 2021 performances with 94.4 and 88.0 percentages, respectively.

The change in the early voting numbers, which have previously been strong indicators of eventual election outcome, obviously favor the Republicans at this point and suggests the party has an advantage relating to the enthusiasm gap. It is important to remember, however, that almost half of the 2021 early vote came during the period’s last week, which means these preliminary 2025 early vote numbers and trends could still dramatically change.

It is further noteworthy to remember that Republicans won the 2021 election, meaning Democrats must exceed their vote totals and trends from that year. At this point in the voting cycle, it appears the Democrats have a sizable, but not impossibly high, mountain to climb during the last week of early voting and on Election Day itself.

Surprising Maine Polling

By Jim Ellis — Monday, Oct. 27, 2025

Senate

Graham Platner

A just released University of New Hampshire’s Pine Tree State Poll (Oct. 16-21; 1,094 Maine residents; 1,015 likely Maine voters; 510 likely Maine Democratic primary voters; online) delivers some unexpected ballot test results in two key Maine races.

The biggest surprise is how badly Gov. Janet Mills fares in a Democratic gubernatorial primary. Gov. Mills recently announced for Senate after being the top recruit prospect for the national Democratic leadership. Yet, in this UNH poll, she trails businessman Graham Platner by a whopping 58-24 percent clip.

Platner is the choice of the party’s Bernie Sanders wing and carries the Vermont Senator’s endorsement. The poll was conducted, however, before damaging information came to light against Platner including the presence of a skull and crossbones tattoo on his chest, which has been tied to Nazi police, and past disparaging remarks made about key Democratic constituencies. Chances are good that the next released Maine survey will show Platner substantially falling.

Irrespective of Platner’s current standing, Gov. Mills performs poorly against a first-time candidate within her own party. While the Governor records a favorable personal approval index (65:16 favorable to unfavorable), she managed to post only a 24 percent vote preference on the related ballot test before the same Democratic sampling universe. This is largely due to her poor job approval rating of 43:55 percent favorable to unfavorable.

The pollsters apparently did not test the general election featuring Sen. Susan Collins (R) individually against the Democrats, but the fact that Gov. Mills fares this poorly in her own primary suggests her standing statewide would be below par.

House

The second surprise comes in the state’s 2nd Congressional District where Rep. Jared Golden (D-Lewiston) is facing a challenge from former two-term Gov. Paul LePage (R).

While other polls have found the two locked in a virtual dead heat, the UNH data sees LePage pulling five points ahead of the four-term incumbent, 49-44 percent, which is beyond the stated polling margin of error for this survey (plus or minus 3.1 percent).

From the LePage perspective, the ballot test result should not be considered an unusually positive outlier. In his three statewide races – 2 victories and 1 defeat, the latter at the hands of Gov. Mills in 2022 – LePage carried the 2nd District. Additionally, ME-2 is the most Republican district in the country where the electorate sends a Democrat to the US House.

What is troubling for Rep. Golden and his allies are the responses to the re-elect questions. When asked if Rep. Golden deserves to be re-elected, only 26 percent answered affirmatively while 57 percent said no.

Most of the negative number comes from Republicans, 75 percent of whom said Rep. Golden does not deserve re-election. Such is to be expected, however, in this age of political polarization. A major negative for the Golden camp, however, is that 66 percent of Independents and more than a third (36 percent) of Democrats also say the Congressman “doesn’t deserve re-election.”

The fundraising totals favor Rep. Golden, however. The Congressman has raised over $2.3 million for his 2026 campaign and holds just under $1.7 million cash-on-hand. LePage has attracted $917,000 for the campaign and holds less than half of Golden’s treasury figure at $716,000.

The ME-2 race will be a national campaign and one of the Republicans’ top conversion opportunities. Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that LePage will correct the resource imbalance as compared to Rep. Golden’s financial totals either through enhanced national fundraising or with non-connected outside groups coming into the northern Maine district to aid the former Governor’s congressional efforts.

It is clear that both the Maine Senate and 2nd District House campaigns will draw a great deal of national attention during 2026 political prime time. Both eventual winners will be significant players in determining which party will control the legislative power levers in the 120th Congress.