Monthly Archives: May 2025

A Pair of Senate No-Go’s

By Jim Ellis — Wednesday, May 21, 2025

Senate

Minnesota Sen. Tina Smith (D) — not seeking re-election.

Two Midwest Democratic Senate primaries became better defined early this week. With no viable Republican candidate so far coming forward in either Minnesota or Illinois, the Democratic primary in both states is likely to produce the outgoing incumbents’ successors.

With that being the case, in Minnesota, we see former state Senate Minority Leader Melisa Lopez Franzen (D) suspending her Senate campaign, and Illinois Rep. Lauren Underwood (D-Naperville) has been telling supporters she has decided not to enter the open Democratic primary to replace retiring Sen. Dick Durbin (D).

Minnesota Sen. Tina Smith (D) is not seeking re-election, and immediately upon the incumbent’s political intentions becoming public, Lt. Gov. Peggy Flanagan (D) announced her Senate candidacy. Shortly thereafter, Franzen joined the race. At the end of April, Rep. Angie Craig (D-Prior Lake) entered, and the primary campaign’s trajectory changed.

While Lt. Gov. Flanagan continued in the favorite’s position, the Craig entry made the race a two-way affair in many observers’ minds. This narrowed a plausible victory path for Ms. Franzen; hence, she came to the conclusion that her Senate effort would be relegated to futile status.

The Illinois situation is vastly different. Some believe Rep. Underwood might have eventually positioned herself as the favorite to defeat Reps. Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-Schaumburg), Robin Kelly (D-Matteson/Chicago), and Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton.

Considering the credibility factor of those in the field, the Land of Lincoln Democratic primary campaign will be a difficult run for any who ultimately file. Apparently, Rep. Underwood believed her chances of topping the Democratic field were not strong enough to risk what has become, for her, a safe House seat.

Expect the Minnesota race to be very expensive, but whether the Flanagan-Craig battle will be settled in the primary election remains to be seen. The Minnesota nominating process features state party endorsing conventions. Most of the time, and particularly on the Democratic side, the candidates accept the convention result and do not force a primary.

In this high-stakes race, however, the chances of the candidate not receiving the party endorsement forcing the August primary must be considered a likelihood. Still, the endorsing convention facet of the Minnesota nominating system creates one more obstacle that the eventual nominee must overcome either by winning the official party endorsement or bypassing the party leaders’ votes.

The Illinois race is shaping up to be an interesting battle. In a three-way race with an early primary (March 17) and no runoff, one candidate must find the right geographic and demographic coalition path to victory.

The best-positioned candidate now may be Rep. Krishnamoorthi. Having the most money in the bank at this point – at the end of March he posted just under $20 million in his campaign account – and seeing two Black opponents coming from the same area in Chicago conceivably splitting the sizable Illinois Black and South Side city vote will likely work in his favor. If the two women run close together, Krishnamoorthi may inherit the inside track toward building a plurality victory coalition within groups beyond the city of Chicago.

Lt. Gov. Stratton has the support of Gov. J.B. Pritzker (D) and Sen. Tammy Duckworth (D) suggesting that she will be viewed as the party establishment candidate. Stratton, however, is just getting her campaign launched and is far behind in the money chase.

Suggestions abound that the Governor may be helping construct a Super Pac to boost her standing, but it remains to be seen if such will happen or whether this is mere wishful thinking from the Stratton team.

Though we are still in the very early stages of these two campaigns, both will be nomination battles to carefully monitor for the remainder of the pertinent nomination cycles.

Democrats Down in All States Requiring Voter Registration With Political Party Affiliation

By Jim Ellis — Tuesday, May 20, 2025

Democratic Party

Former President Joe Biden campaigns prior to his election to the presidency in 2020. / Photo by Gage Skidmore

In 31 states, individuals registering to vote must list a political party affiliation to do so, and the latest trends suggest significant partisan changes.

The most stunning pattern when comparing the latest registration numbers with those found from Joe Biden’s victorious presidential election in 2020 is that Democratic preference is down in all 31 party registration states. This does not necessarily mean there are fewer Democratic registered voters in all instances, but their percentage of the entire registered voter universe in each of these states is lower than in 2020.

In comparison, Republican registration under the same time parameters is up as a percentage to the whole in 23 of the 31 states. The Independent, or Non-affiliated option is up in 18 of the party registration state universes.

Further research would likely lead to the conclusion that Democrats are attracting fewer younger and new voters when compared with past performance. Additionally, the changes in voter registration preferences may be a key reason as to why ballot test polling has been less accurate than in years past.

Florida is a good example of the polling accuracy factor. In voter registration, we have seen a dramatic shift since 2020. In the Biden year, Democrats had a Florida voter registration edge of 36.3 percent to the Republicans’ 35.7 percent. Non-affiliated voter percentage was 26.4, while an additional 1.7 percent of the registered universe was affiliated with a minor party recognized under the state’s election law.

Today, according to the latest available figures, 39.6 percent of Florida’s registered voters are Republicans and 31.3 percent are Democrats, while Non-affiliateds comprise 26.0 percent of the registered universe and an additional 3.0 percent are members of minor parties.

Polling in Florida, according to the Real Clear Politics Polling Archives, throughout the 2024 cycle projected President Trump and Sen. Rick Scott leading their Democratic opponents by a respective seven percent average (Trump) and five-point margin (Scott), yet Trump won by more than 13 percentage points and Scott just under 13. One reason for the big polling miss is likely a failure to properly emphasize the large voter registration shift in the Republicans’ favor.

Today, there are a larger number of registered Republicans than Democrats in 12 of the 31 party reg places. The Non-affiliated option is the top registrant in an additional 10 states, while Democrats lead in only nine, which is down three states (Florida, Kentucky, and Nevada) from the party’s standing in 2020.

The Republican majority or plurality states are: Arizona, Florida, Idaho, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Nebraska, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Utah, West Virginia, and Wyoming.

The Non-affiliated majorities or pluralities are: Alaska, Arkansas, Colorado, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Nevada, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Oregon, and Rhode Island.

Democratic Party registration is tops in: California, Delaware, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, and Pennsylvania. Democrats, however, hold an outright majority of registered voters in only Maryland.

The three states with the largest swing since 2020 toward Republicans are Idaho, Wyoming, and Iowa. The GOP gained a net 8.4 percentage points in Idaho, 7.4 in Wyoming, and 5 points in Iowa. The party’s biggest drop, however, came in Colorado where the GOP lost 2.7 points. The next highest losses were in Delaware (2.3 net percent) and Nevada (1.6 percent drop).

As mentioned above, Democrats lost affiliation ground in all 31 states. Their three biggest drops, all down between six and seven percentage points, occurred in West Virginia, Nevada, and Rhode Island.

The Non-affiliated gains and losses are more erratic. The Independent, Non-affiliated, or “Declined to State” category saw gains in 18 states but losses in 12 others. Louisiana does not report Non-affiliated numbers. The biggest Non-affiliated gainers were Nevada (up 9.1 net percentage points from 2020), Massachusetts (7.3), Rhode Island (5.8), and Colorado (5.4). The fact that two of the most loyal Democratic states, Massachusetts and Rhode Island, are among the top gainers in Non-affiliated voter registration is another bad sign for the Democrats.

The states with the highest Non-affiliated decline are Alaska (-12.1 net percentage points in comparison with 2020), South Dakota (-9.8), and Idaho (-6.4).

Total voter registration is up in only 19 of the 31 states, meaning there are fewer registered voters today in 12 of the party registration states than in 2020.

The downturn is largely due to population loss (Connecticut; Louisiana) or states performing their proscribed registration purge. The latter process eliminates voters who have passed away, moved, or have not voted in a specific number of consecutive general elections as dictated by their individual state laws.

Texas Senate: Rep. Hunt on the Board

By Jim Ellis — Monday, May 19, 2025

Senate

Texas Rep. Wesley Hunt (R-Houston)

It is common knowledge that Sen. John Cornyn (R-TX) is trailing in every Texas Republican primary poll, but now we see the first survey that includes Rep. Wesley Hunt (R-Houston) as a potential candidate.

A Super PAC has spent seven figures running television ads in the state’s major media markets with the exception of Houston to promote Hunt. The ads are not running in the two-term Congressman’s home market where he already has name identification. It is evident that Hunt is seriously exploring entering the Senate contest, which will add a new dynamic to the Cornyn primary challenge.

The Senate Leadership Fund, an outside Super PAC that supports GOP incumbents, semi-publicized a recent poll result that the organization conducted. The Tarrance Group conducted the research study, but the sampling universe size was not released. The pollsters were in the field during the April 27 through May 1 period. It is assumed the Republican primary ballot test queried only GOP primary voters.

Such being the case, the first ballot test was between Sen. Cornyn and Attorney General Ken Paxton, and the results broke 56-40 percent in the challenger’s favor. Adding Rep. Hunt to the questionnaire sees the Paxton support number dropping to 44 percent, while Sen. Cornyn falls to 34 percent, but the gap between he and Paxton closed. Rep. Hunt then posted a respectable 19 percent considering he is not yet a candidate.

Six polls have been conducted of the Texas Senate Republican primary since the beginning of the year, and all show Cornyn trailing Paxton. The challenger averages 48.5 percent over the six surveys, while Cornyn posts a mean average of just 33.5 percent, and reaches the 40 percent plateau in only one of the six studies.

The common analysis of the Texas campaign suggests that Sen. Cornyn would fare well in the general election if he can win renomination, while the Republicans would be in clear danger of losing a Senate race to a Democrat for the first time since a 1993 special election if Paxton becomes the party nominee.

The SLF Tarrance poll then tested the hypothetical general election and finds such an analysis basically ringing true, but the numbers are all very close. Paired with former Congressman Colin Allred, who was the 2024 Democratic Senate nominee against Sen. Ted Cruz (R), the ballot test breaks for Cornyn by six points while Hunt posts a four-point edge. Paxton, however, trails ex-Rep. Allred by a single percentage point.

The Democrats, however, may not have a consensus candidate. Allred has not yet committed to running again, while former Rep. Beto O’Rourke (D), who failed to win two Texas statewide campaigns and fared poorly in a national Democratic presidential nomination battle in 2020, is confirming that he is considering declaring his candidacy. It remains to be seen if either, or both, of these former US Representatives will enter the 2026 Senate contest.

The more pressing question is how will a multi-candidate primary race affect Cornyn?

Typically, in states that employ a runoff nomination system, an incumbent forced into such a secondary election loses. Such is the case because a majority of the primary electorate has already rejected the incumbent, making it difficult for him or her to quickly re-establish a majority coalition.

Certainly, Rep. Hunt, and possibly others, joining the race would likely produce a primary first-place finisher with only plurality support. In such a scenario, we would more than likely see Sen. Cornyn securing a runoff position. Whether he would fare better against either Paxton or Hunt remains an open question.

The Texas primary is the earliest in the election cycle and is scheduled for March 3. If the previously mentioned runoff scenario is the end result, the subsequent two-person contest would culminate on May 26.

The Texas race will prove a critical factor in the Republicans’ bid to retain the Senate majority. Should a Democrat score an upset win in Texas, the party’s chances of regaining chamber control would grow exponentially.

The Texas Senate contest may well prove the lynchpin of the 2026 national US Senate campaign cycle.

The DNC’s Looming Decisions

By Jim Ellis — Friday, May 16, 2025

DNC

Democratic Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez has been appearing in rallies across the country with Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT)

Though the 2028 presidential election is years away, the Democratic National Committee leadership has looming structural decisions to make well in advance of the first nomination votes being cast.

Prospective national candidates are already beginning to make positioning moves. For example, California Gov. Gavin Newsom is attempting to move closer to the political center with his comments this week regarding the homeless and his new podcast that features guests and topics not always aligned with the ideological left.

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY), conducting a series of public events with Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT), is moving even further left in an attempt to capture the Sanders’ coalition.

Former US Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg is bypassing a Michigan US Senate campaign to prepare for another presidential run and already is visiting Iowa, while Sen. Chris Murphy (D-CT) is conducting a nationwide anti-Trump tour.

All of these individual strategic moves are illustrative regarding how each person attempts to best position him or herself toward grabbing an early advantage in the forthcoming intra-party brawl for the 2028 Democratic presidential nomination. Before the campaigns even get underway, however, the national party leaders face controversial rule-making decisions well in advance of any contender stepping forward to campaign in the early states.

The first such task is to determine just where are the early states. You will remember that the Democrats changed the political calendar before the 2024 election when they dropped Iowa and New Hampshire from the top two slots and chose to begin in South Carolina.

The 2024 schedule does not mean the party leaders have to adhere to the same progression in 2028, and as such the individual candidates will want their say in deciding not only the geographic order, but potentially other structural rules that the DNC Rules Committee could recommend be changed.

Since the early states have proven crucial in developing momentum for eventual party nominees, all 57 voting Democratic Party entities (states, territories, and the group of those Democrats living abroad) are likely to soon begin jockeying for position. Without a Democratic President in the White House, it falls upon the DNC to take the lead in setting the ground rules for the 2028 party nomination structure.

With big state Governors such as Newsom, Illinois’ J.B. Pritzker, Michigan’s Gretchen Whitmer, and Pennsylvania’s Josh Shapiro likely to become presidential candidates, we can see a coalition forming to recommend that the mid-Atlantic states secure early positioning.

The southern contingent, led by Gov. Andy Beshear (KY) and former Gov. Roy Cooper (NC), will want their region placed early on the calendar, while some of the lesser-known contenders should advocate for smaller states going first since they are more responsive to grassroots campaign tactics that unfamiliar contenders need to give them a fighting chance.

Geographic order changes will not be the only rule discussed. We can expect the DNC to adopt a formalized procedure in the event of replacing a presidential candidate with pledged delegates who exits prior to the national convention. When President Joe Biden dropped out of the 2024 race, there was no set procedure to replace him. Thus, the committee members had to adopt a plan on the fly that included virtual voting and other procedures, which caused some controversy among certain DNC members.

Since the Rules Committee must recommend an early state schedule to the full DNC voting membership and may look at adopting an official presidential candidate replacement procedure, they could also consider changing the delegate apportionment formula.

With so many candidates likely to run, a proposal from the big state DNC members to increase their delegate share could certainly come before the rules panel. Also, some of the candidates will likely advocate restoring the Super Delegates’ (Party Leaders and Elected Officials) ability to vote on the first ballot.

The 2028 presidential campaign will unofficially begin after the 2026 midterm elections, but the party leadership’s’ first significant hurdles will come in the relative near future.

Redistricting:
Lawsuits Filed in Wisconsin

Current Wisconsin Congressional Districts Map (Click to enlarge or go here: Legis.Wisconsin.Gov)

By Jim Ellis — Thursday, May 15, 2025

Redistricting

The Down Ballot political blog is running a story indicating that two redistricting lawsuits have been filed against the Wisconsin congressional map. Changing the plan as the plaintiffs desire would likely lead to Republicans losing at least two members from the current delegation.

Redistricting was a focal point of state Supreme Court campaigns in the last two Wisconsin judicial election cycles. Democrats won the critical elections in 2023 and earlier this year to secure the liberal court majority.

Before the 2024 elections when Justice Janet Protasiewicz was elected, it appeared the court would redraw the congressional districts. Protasiewicz, running for the post in 2023, spoke repeatedly on the campaign trail about changing the congressional map. Her election gave the Democrats the majority they needed to do so, but they surprisingly stopped short. While redrawing the state Senate and Assembly district borders, the court left the congressional districts untouched without explanation.

Some political observers theorize that the court played a partisan game with the congressional district issue. The thought was the majority wanted to shield Sen. Tammy Baldwin (D), on the ballot in 2024, from facing a more difficult opponent such as Rep. Bryan Steil (R-Janesville). The Congressman had a multi-million dollar war chest that could have been wholly converted to a Senate campaign if his House district were made unwinnable for a Republican.

If this was even part of the reason that the court did not address the congressional districts, it may have been a sound partisan move. Sen. Baldwin won re-election over GOP businessman Eric Hovde with just an eight-tenths of one percent margin. Therefore, against a perceived more difficult opponent, the Senator could have easily lost. Thus, waiting an extra election cycle to redraw the federal plan may have paid the Democrats’ a dividend.

The principal argument for a redraw is the Republicans’ 6-2 majority in the Wisconsin congressional delegation. Democrats argue the map is a partisan gerrymander because Badger State elections often end with one party or the other winning races by one or two percentage points, or even less, as was the case for Sen. Baldwin in 2024. Partisan gerrymandering has been the subject of many cases, but it is still not fully determined whether a political party can, in effect, be considered a protected class.

A second lawsuit claims the districts have an uneven population and therefore need adjustment. This is an odd argument since all districts change throughout the course of a decade, thus every constructed political map is obsolete under this theory. This case, however, could allow the court to declare the map invalid without addressing the partisan gerrymandering issue.

It is most likely that the two most endangered Republicans under a redraw situation would be Reps. Steil and Derrick Van Orden (R-Prairie du Chien) in the 1st and 3rd Districts, respectively.

The 1st CD lies in the far southeastern corner of Wisconsin bordering Illinois and Lake Michigan. It contains a small portion of Milwaukee County before moving south to annex Kenosha and Racine counties. It also contains parts of Rock and Walworth counties to the west. According to the Dave’s Redistricting App statisticians, the district’s partisan lean is 49.4R – 48.3D. President Trump carried the seat over Kamala Harris in 2024 with a 51.5 – 47.0 percent majority. Four years earlier, he topped President Biden 50.3 – 48.3 percent.

District 3 lies in the southwestern part of the state anchored in the cities of La Crosse and Eau Claire. The 3rd is comprised of 14 Wisconsin counties and parts of five others. The Dave’s Redistricting App partisan lean is 48.9D – 48.5R, making it one of the most politically even seats in the country.

President Trump, however, outperformed the 3rd District stats in the past two elections, defeating Harris, 52.9 – 45.5 percent, and President Biden, 51.5 – 46.8 percent. Rep. Van Orden averaged 51.5 percent in his two victorious elections. Prior to the Republican winning two consecutive elections here, former Rep. Ron Kind (D) represented the district for 13 consecutive terms.

Sitting in between these districts is Rep. Mark Pocan’s (D-Town of Vermont; Madison) 2nd CD. It is here where the region’s Democrats reside. This district’s partisan lean is 69.7D – 28.2R and houses the most liberal county in the state, Dane, which contains the capital city of Madison and provides the district its population anchor (575,347 residents).

A possible boundary change would shift Democrats from Rep. Gwen Moore’s (D-Milwaukee) safe Democratic 4th District and move them south to the 1st. Various Republican and Democratic voters would then be swapped between the 1st and 2nd. In order to feed more Democrats into the 3rd, we would likely see more Democrats shifted from the 2nd and swapped for Republican voters.

The trick for the Democratic map drawers is to shift enough Democrats into both the 1st and 3rd to unseat Steil and Van Orden, while at the same time keeping enough in District 2 to keep Rep. Pocan’s seat safe. This may prove an interesting balancing act, and chances are that either Steil or Van Orden, or possibly both, will still have a fighting chance of winning re-election.

Assuming the court orders a congressional redraw in time for the 2026 election suggests Reps. Steil and Van Orden’s political circumstances will be far more difficult than what they face today.

Rep. Feenstra to Run for Governor

By Jim Ellis — Wednesday, May 14, 2025

Governor

Iowa Rep. Randy Feenstra (R-Hull/Sioux City)

It was a bit of a surprise when in April, Iowa Gov. Kim Reynolds (R) announced that she would not seek a third full term next year. Because the active politicos believed she would run, it has taken awhile for major candidates to enter what should be a relatively competitive open Governor’s race. Now, however, candidates are beginning to come forward.

Reports from Hawkeye State indicate that three-term Rep. Randy Feenstra (R-Hull/Sioux City) has filed documents to enter the open 2026 Iowa Governor’s race. Almost simultaneously, State Auditor Rob Sand announced his intention to compete for the Democratic gubernatorial nomination, thus possibly previewing what could become the general election campaign.

While state Sen. Mike Bousselot (R-Des Moines) and former state Rep. Brad Sherman are in the race, other major Republican potential contenders have either publicly declined to run or not taken action to move forward with a campaign.

The three other Republican congressional delegation members, Reps. Mariannette Miller-Meeks (R-Le Claire/Davenport), Ashley Hinson (R-Marion/Cedar Rapids), and Zach Nunn (R-Bondurant/ Des Moines) have all said they will not enter the Governor’s race and plan to seek re-election in 2026.

Lt. Gov. Chris Cournoyer (R) has announced for State Auditor. Attorney General Brenna Bird (R) is still a potential gubernatorial entrant, but the prevailing wisdom suggests she will seek re-election. Therefore, Rep. Feenstra should already be considered the early favorite for the party nomination.

On the Democratic side, Sand is the party’s only statewide elected official. There was some conjecture that he might challenge Sen. Joni Ernst (R), but when Gov. Reynolds decided not to seek a third term, it became probable that he would head for the open statewide election.

Potential primary opponents for Sand include state Sen. Zach Wahls (D-Des Moines) and state Rep. J.D. Scholten (D-Sioux City), who lost opposite Congressman Feenstra in 2020.

Three-term state Sen. Randy Feenstra came to Congress in 2021, after defeating by 10 percentage points then-Rep. Steve King in the 2020 Republican primary. He would go onto post a 62-38 percent win against Scholten in the associated general election. In his two re-election campaigns, Rep. Feenstra has averaged 67.2 percent of the vote.

The Congressman not seeking re-election means that now 16 seats will be open (9D-7R) heading into the next election. Two of the districts are vacant, AZ-7 and TX-18, due to the deaths of Reps. Raul Grijalva (D-AZ) and Sylvester Turner (D-TX). Both positions will be filled in 2025 special elections.

Iowa’s 4th District encompasses 36 west and central Iowa counties. The seat contains the entire South Dakota/Nebraska border region before stretching eastward to annex the city of Marshalltown, which lies northeast of Des Moines. The principal population centers are Sioux City, Council Bluffs, Ft. Dodge, and Marshalltown.

The Dave’s Redistricting App statisticians calculate a 61.9R – 34.9D partisan lean, making the 4th Iowa’s safest Republican seat. The Down Ballot political blog prognosticators rank IA-4 as the 81st-safest seat in the House Republican Conference. In the last two presidential elections, Donald Trump carried the district with margins of 65-34 and 62-36 percent over Kamala Harris and Joe Biden, respectively.

Testifying to the 4th’s strength as a Republican stronghold, in a close 2018 gubernatorial election Gov. Reynolds was elected statewide because of her overwhelming performance in this district. The Reynolds margin here was so large it enabled her to overcome losing the other three congressional districts.

This all suggests that Congressman Feenstra’s successor will be found in the Republican primary. We can, therefore, expect a crowded GOP contest.

Iowa recognizes plurality victories, but only if the leading candidate secures at least 35 percent of the vote. The top finishing candidate falling short of the 35 percent support threshold means a post-primary district convention would be called in which party delegates from each of the district’s 36 counties will choose a nominee.

Georgia Senate Race:
Carter In; Greene Out

By Jim Ellis — Tuesday, May 13, 2025

Senate

Georgia Rep. Buddy Carter (R-Pooler/Savannah)

Now that Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp has publicly declined to seek the Peach State’s Republican US Senate nomination, the political dominoes are beginning to fall.

Soon after the Kemp announcement at the end of last week, Rep. Buddy Carter (R-Pooler/Savannah), who said he would run statewide if Gov. Kemp did not, announced that he will compete for the party’s Senate nomination. Quickly after the Carter declaration, Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Rome) released a written social media statement indicating that she will not enter the Senate campaign.

Despite Ms. can candidates as are state Agriculture Commissioner Tyler Harper and Insurance Commissioner John King.

Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger has also “not closed the door” on running for the Senate, but he is more likely to enter the open Governor’s race if he decides to run for a different statewide position. Attorney General Chris Carr (R) long ago announced his campaign for Governor.

The eventual GOP winner will face first-term Sen. Jon Ossoff (D). The party nomination may not be decided until late June of next year, however, if the multi-candidate May Republican primary evolves into a runoff election between the top two finishers should no one secure majority support.

The Senator has raised almost $32 million during his four-plus years in office and has $11 million in his campaign account. Clearly, the Georgia Senate race will be one of the most hard-fought and expensive campaigns of the 2026 election cycle.

Since President Trump first won here in 2016, the Georgia races, for the most part, have yielded very close results. Previously, the state was reliably Republican, but demographic changes principally due to large numbers of African Americans moving from other southern states to the Atlanta metro area for better job opportunities, according to a Pew Research study, have made the Democrats much more competitive. Thus, the state is now viewed as politically purple, meaning their elections routinely fall into the toss-up category.

In 2016, Donald Trump defeated Hillary Clinton, 50.7 – 45.6 percent. Two years later, then-Secretary of State Brian Kemp won a close 50.2 – 48.8 percent gubernatorial victory against Democrat Stacey Abrams. Four years afterTrump’s initial close Georgia victory, he would lose to Joe Biden in an official margin of 11,779 votes statewide, or just under three-tenths of one percentage point.

In that same 2020 election, Ossoff would score a one-point victory over Sen. David Perdue (R), and Rev. Rafael Warnock (D) would win a two-point special election decision over appointed Republican Sen. Kelly Loeffler.

The irregular election was necessary to fill the balance of the term after veteran Sen. Johnny Isakson (R) had passed away, and Loeffler was appointed to serve until an election was held. Both Senate seats, however, were decided in close post-election runoffs since Georgia is one of only three states that require majority victories in general elections.

Republicans would rebound to a degree in 2022 when Gov. Kemp scored a more decisive 53-46 percent victory over Abrams. Sen. Warnock, however, again recorded a two-point run-off victory to secure a six-year term, this time against former University of Georgia football star Herschel Walker (R) who was routinely characterized as a weak candidate. In 2024, the Georgia electorate again turned to Trump in another tight finish, 50.7 – 48.5 percent, this time over Vice President Kamala Harris.

The recent electoral history sets the stage for what should be another very close 2026 general election. Early polling suggested that Gov. Kemp, if he were to become a candidate, would have enjoyed a small lead over Sen. Ossoff. Sans Kemp, the incumbent begins with more substantial survey margins against any other prospective Republican opponent.

Without Kemp, the Georgia Senate contest won’t have the national political star power that the national media would have focused upon during the midterm election cycle, but this race still has the potential of becoming highly competitive with a different Republican nominee.

Despite the change in status, the Georgia Senate race will remain as one of the keys to determining the size of the next Senate majority.