Category Archives: 2024 Election

Early, Early Voting

2024 Early Voting / Target Early-Target Smart

By Jim Ellis — Wednesday, Oct. 23, 2024

Voting Patterns

In the first of what promises to be several early voting updates, we take a look at the TargetEarly/TargetSmart pre-election vote calculations from what promises to be a smaller universe than we saw in 2020.

We will remember that voting by mail in the 2020 presidential year was virtually universal, put in place by court order due to the COVID-19 emergency. After the election, the Supreme Court ruled that courts cannot arbitrarily change state election laws on a permanent basis, meaning that unless the state changed its laws since 2020, the system returns to pre-COVID-19 status.

Nationally, we now see almost 14.5 million votes already recorded at this writing, which is just 15.7 percent of the total number we saw throughout the 2020 cycle, a number that exceeded 92.4 million.

The most interesting pattern in these early returns is the increase in rural early voting. Nationally, the rural early ballot returns are up 8.3 percentage points over the 2020 total. Conversely, urban early voting is down 10.8 percentage points. The suburban early vote is up 2.4 points.

The first two stat points appear to help Republicans, while the suburban increase slightly offsets what could be GOP gains. On the other hand, the modeled partisan projection finds Democrats running a bit ahead of their aggregate percentage share in comparison to 2020 (3.7 points), while Republicans are slightly behind their overall performance share from four years ago (-1.3). Therefore, the comparison of the geographic vote versus the partisan complexion appears at least partially inconsistent in terms of which party benefits to the greater extent.

In looking at the seven top battleground states, three, Arizona, Nevada, and Wisconsin, are reporting early vote totals less than 20 percent of the 2020 total. The state with the most early votes as compared to its 2020 performance is Georgia, which has already reached 33.3 percent of its previous total.

Here, the partisan participation trends are on par with what we saw in the 2020 presidential election, but the increase in rural voting (up 6.6 percentage points when compared to Joe Biden’s winning election) and decrease in urban participation at least at this current point in the process (down 4.5 percentage points) suggests these earliest statistics may help Republican candidates.

In Michigan, with early vote totals reaching 28.9 percent of the 2020 totals, Democrats have a big edge in what appears to be the partisan returns (13.4 percentage points better than 2020), with Republicans running at parity. The big drop comes within the Independent sector, which is down 10.9 percentage points in the early going.

Continuing in the Wolverine State, we again see the rural turnout topping the 2020 share percentage (up 4 percentage points) while the urban vote is down 7.2 points. While the partisan numbers would appear to help the Democrats, the geographic voting appears as a Republican benefit.

The other major battleground state to record a large number of early votes, like Michigan with 28.9 percent thus far of the 2020 early vote, is Pennsylvania. We again see the same pattern, where Democrats are up over their 2020 early vote share (6.3 percentage points) while Republicans are at parity and Independents dropping 5.9 percentage points from their previous presidential election performance.

And, as in the other states, the Pennsylvania rural turnout is up, in this case slightly (4.2 percentage points), while the suburban and urban participation counts are at parity with their 2020 standing.

As early voting proceeds, we will likely see more definitive patterns emerge as we move ever closer toward the Nov. 5 Election Day. The early vote numbers suggest that each party remains highly competitive throughout the ballot since the current patterns yield only slight edges to either side.

Senate Money

By Jim Ellis — Tuesday, Oct. 22, 2024

Senate

Sen. Jon Tester (D), Montana, has raised $31.7 million in just the past three months. / Photo by Jared King, Navajo Nation Washington Office

According to The Down Ballot political blog, the Democratic Senate candidates extended their already impressive 2024 cycle fundraising advantage over Republicans as reported in the just released third quarter Federal Election Commission financial disclosure reports.

The Down Ballot calculations indicate that “Democratic candidates collectively raised $452 million dollars, almost twice as much as the $235 million brought in by their GOP rivals.” The gap might be the largest in the Senate races as compared to the Presidential and House campaigns, but just how much will the money advantage mean in terms of winning and losing?

The three biggest fundraisers for the third quarter with incredible totals begin with Sen. Jon Tester’s (D-MT) $31.7 million raised in just the past three months. Closely following are Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-OH) with $29.8 million raised, and Texas Rep. Colin Allred (D-Dallas) securing $29.7 million.

Despite the huge fundraising and spending advantage, however, the latest polling shows all three of these candidates trailing their Republican opponents. In the Montana race, the New York Times/Siena College survey (Oct. 5-8; 656 likely Montana voters; live interview) sees Republican Tim Sheehy leading Sen. Tester, 52-44 percent, despite his overall better than 3:1 fundraising edge.

In Ohio, Sen. Brown posts a cycle-to-date dominance of more than 4:1 in campaign spending, but the latest survey from the Morning Consult track (Oct. 6-15; 1,243 likely Ohio voters; online) gives Republican businessman Bernie Moreno a one-point lead, 48-47 percent.

While Rep. Allred outraised Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) $29.7 million to $17.1 million during the Q3 period, the two are at parity for cycle-to-date fundraising: $64.1 million for Allred; $63.7 million for Cruz. The latest YouGov poll for the University of Texas’ Texas Politics Project (Oct. 2-10; 1,091 likely Texas voters; online), however, gives Sen. Cruz a 51-44 percent advantage.

What these fundraising and polling numbers show is that a larger advantage in campaign resources and spending does not necessarily guarantee majority support.

Overall, an aggregate $340-plus million was raised in the 3rd quarter from the 79 charted Senate candidates with an average of $4.3 million per contender in just the 13-plus week reporting period from July 1- Sept. 30. The median average, however, is $1.084 million, meaning an equal number of candidates have raised more and less than that number.

One of the more interesting late-breaking races is the Nebraska Senate race featuring two-term incumbent Sen. Deb Fischer (R). While not having a Democratic opponent, Sen. Fischer faces Independent Dan Osborn, who is making her re-election battle much more difficult than anyone would have imagined at the beginning of the election cycle in what should be a safe Republican state. In the Q3, Osborn out-raised Sen. Fischer, $3.2 million to $915,000, but the incumbent still maintains the overall spending advantage, $7.1 million to $4.2 million.

The biggest Q3 gap in fundraising, as it has been throughout the election cycle, comes in the Michigan Senate race. For the 3rd quarter, Rep. Elissa Slotkin (D-Lansing) raised $18 million versus former Rep. Mike Rogers (R) pulling in $4.4 million, which, incidentally, is his best fundraising quarter for the election cycle. In the cycle-to-date categories, Slotkin leads Rogers $40.3 million to $9.4 million in fundraising and $35.9 million to $6.6 million in spending.

While the polls have always favored Rep. Slotkin, her margin is not overly strong, an average of 4.3 points from 14 October polls. Slotkin’s largest lead is nine points (The Bullfinch Group; Oct. 11-17), collapsing as far as Rogers posting a one-point edge (AtlasIntel; Oct. 12-17).

While the Senate Democratic candidates enjoy a huge advantage in fundraising, the aggregate outside organization spending has brought the two parties closer to parity. Most of the independent expenditures favor the Republican side either in money for pro-Republican candidate ads and programs, or anti-Democratic ads and programs.

Including all levels of federal campaigning (President, Senate, and House), the conservative outside organizations have outspent the liberal organizations by a 2:1 margin, $1.3 billion to $566 million according to the Open Secrets data organization.

It is clear that both sides have more than enough financial resources with which to communicate their message to the American electorate. It is always better to have more money than less, but it is not always necessary to be the top spender in a race.

Catholic Voter Survey Results Show Trump Ahead; Michigan Senate Race Heats Up; Rep. Bishop in Tight Georgia Race; Conflicting CA-49 Data

By Jim Ellis — Thursday, Oct. 17, 2024

President

Former President Donald Trump holds a large swing state lead according to a Catholic voter survey.

Catholic Voter Survey: Voters Leaning Toward Trump — The National Catholic Reporter commissioned a voter survey in seven swing states, and particularly in Michigan and Wisconsin, former President Donald Trump has opened a large lead: a dozen points in Michigan and 18 in Wisconsin.

Looking at the seven states as a whole, Trump holds a 50-45 percent advantage over Vice President Kamala Harris within the Catholic sample. The survey was conducted by Mercury Analytics (Oct. 3-8; 1,172 Catholic voters in AZ, GA, MI, NV, NC, PA and WI; online). Harris, however, does well with black (77 percent support) and Hispanic (67 percent support) Catholics within this sampling universe. Trump dominates among white voters with a 16 percent advantage.

Interestingly, the NCR analysis indicated that the Catholic respondents, “were more likely to say they support their preferred candidate for reasons that go against [Catholic] church teaching, with Trump supporters favoring his anti-[illegal] immigration policies and Harris voters backing her views on reproductive rights.”

In the swing states, the largest Catholic percentage of the state population is in Wisconsin (25 percent) and Nevada (25 percent), with Pennsylvania closely following (24 percent). Arizona (21 percent) and Michigan (18 percent) are next, while Georgia (nine percent) and North Carolina (nine percent) lag behind.

Senate

Michigan: Republicans Up Investment — The Fabrizio Ward (R) and Impact Research (D) firms partnered on a Michigan voter poll for AARP (Oct. 2-8; 600 likely Michigan voters from a universe of 1,382 registered Michigan voters; live interview and text) and the results project that Congresswoman Elissa Slotkin (D-Lansing) holds a 49-46 percent edge over former Rep. Mike Rogers (R). The presidential vote, as a point of reference, was tied a 46 percent apiece between Harris and Trump.

The results of this and other similar polls were enough to convince the Senate Leadership Fund to spend an additional $10.5 million in media time. The new expenditure brings the SLF entire investment to $33 million. It appears the three Senate races in which Republicans see recent positive movement are Michigan, Ohio, and Wisconsin.

House

GA-2: Rep. Bishop (D) in Surprising Close Race — Georgia Rep. Sanford Bishop (D-Albany) was first elected to Congress in 1992 and has rarely had a close election. A newly released survey from the co/efficient polling firm (Oct. 3-4; 847 likely GA-2 voters; live interview & text) for Republican nominee Wayne Johnson finds the challenger trailing Rep. Bishop by just three percentage points, 45-42 percent. This is a race that had not been considered competitive and has drawn little in the way of national attention.

Georgia’s 2nd District carries a partisan rating of D+4, according to the FiveThirtyEight data organization. The Down Ballot political blog ranks GA-2 as the 36th most vulnerable seat in the Democratic Conference. Though the seat had not been considered in play, it will now be watched for further developments. Whether outside groups from either side begin spending late money here is a point to be observed.

CA-49: Conflicting Data — As recently as last week, a Survey USA poll of California’s coastal 49th District (Oct. 2-6; 617 likely CA-49 voters) found that three-term Rep. Mike Levin (D-San Juan Capistrano) was comfortably ahead of Republican Matt Gunderson by a 12-point margin, 53-41 percent. Now, the National Republican Congressional Committee has countered with their 1892 organization survey that produces a much different result.

According to the 1892 data (Oct. 5-8; 400 likely CA-49 voters), the gap separating the two candidates is only one point, 46-45 percent, in Rep. Levin’s favor. The nature of this district suggests a close Democratic edge (FiveThirtyEight: D+5), so chances are that the wide range of these two polls likely lands in the middle. Therefore, Rep. Levin must still be viewed as residing in the favorite’s position.

Two Hidden Races

By Jim Ellis — Wednesday, Oct. 16, 2024

House

A pair of campaigns to win a US House seat that have not attracted much political attention could come into play according to the most recent information; they are in Nevada and Texas.

Nationally, it appears the House majority could come down to one or two seats, so every race becomes important. Therefore, even contests that were expected to be non-competitive could be the campaigns that tip the majority to one party or the other.

Two such matches are coming to the forefront in Nevada and Texas. Both contests are in districts rated heavily for the incumbent party, but showing potential flip signs. With the majority margins so close, every campaign’s importance factor increases.

Nevada Rep. Mark Amodei

Similar to Sen. Deb Fischer’s Nebraska re-election situation, Nevada Rep. Mark Amodei (R-Carson City) faces a strong Independent opponent and no Democrat. Greg Kidd is a registered Republican who qualified by petition signature to run in this expansive northern Nevada congressional race as an Independent. Kidd is a venture capitalist and former analyst for the Federal Reserve and has committed $3 million of his own money to his campaign.

There has been no recent polling released for this race, so it is difficult to tell if the ballot test is close. An expenditure the size of what Kidd is capable of making, however, can certainly move numbers, but Rep. Amodei has so far been virtually inactive on the airwaves. Considering Kidd’s personal financial resources and commitment to self-financing his political effort to a major degree, expect Rep. Amodei to immediately increase his campaign presence.

The FiveThirtyEight data organization rates NV-2 as R+13, and the Dave’s Redistricting App statisticians calculate a 53.8R – 40.5D partisan lean. The Down Ballot data organization ranks NV-2 as the 59th most vulnerable seat in the Republican Conference.

While the data suggests the 2nd is a safe Republican seat, the metrics are measured from a Democratic vs. Republican perspective. In this case we see a strong Independent candidate who is a registered Republican but campaigning on abortion rights and pro-prosperity economics. This could well change the paradigm here and make this a more competitive race than the traditional predictive data would suggest.

Mayra Flores

In south Texas, we see a rematch from the 2022 campaign where Rep. Vicente Gonzalez (D-McAllen) and then-Rep. Mayra Flores (R-McAllen) squared off in an incumbent vs. incumbent post-redistricting pairing.

Flores had won a special election in June of 2022 in the 2011 version of CD 34, which stretched along the Gulf of Mexico from Brownsville in the district’s southernmost point then to the north around the Corpus Christi area, and all the way to the outer Austin suburbs. That version of District 34 was rated D+5 according to the FiveThirtyEight data organization.

The 2022 34th District is much different, as it starts just south of Corpus Christi, and stretches to Brownsville, and then west along the Mexican border into the city of McAllen. The new version carries a D+17 rating and is obviously skews much more Democrat than the configuration that elected Flores. Yet, we see new competitive signs.

Despite her losing in 2022 by a 53-44 percent count, a new poll from the 1892 firm for the National Republican Congressional Committee (Sept. 28-Oct. 1; 400 likely TX-34 voters; live interview) finds Flores trailing Rep. Gonzalez by just a 49-46 percent margin. This is largely an under-the-radar race that has drawn little national attention but may be moving up the conversion priority chart.

The poll is another indication that the Republicans are doing better with the Hispanic population. This district is 88 percent Hispanic, and former President Donald Trump, in this same 1892 study, leads Vice President Kamala Harris 49-47 percent despite the seat being drawn to elect a Democrat.

Both NV-2 and TX-34 should receive renewed national interest. Watch for other seemingly safe districts for one party or the other similarly come into play.

Senate Trends

By Jim Ellis — Tuesday, Oct. 15, 2024

Senate

As we get closer to early votes being cast and election day itself, several of the key Senate races are a focal point of attention.

It appears at this point the Republicans are on a path to secure at least a 51-49 majority with wins in West Virginia and Montana, while GOP challengers in Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin are getting closer. Democrats are countering with big spending in three Republican states, Florida, Nebraska, and Texas, hoping to score an upset in order to save their small majority.

Ohio businessman Bernie Moreno (R)

• Ohio Sen. Sherrod Brown (D) is running for a fourth term and has held the polling lead for the entire campaign, but recent surveys suggest a tightening of the contest. Though former President Donald Trump has established a healthy lead in the Buckeye State, a place he has twice won by eight percentage points, Sen. Brown has continued to post an advantage over GOP businessman Bernie Moreno.

The trend, however, shows a tightening of the race. While Sen. Brown led consistently by five points earlier in the cycle, the most recent nine polls suggest an average lead of only 1.5 percentage points. Therefore, with Trump doing well at the top of the ticket, and Moreno closing the gap, we definitely see a trend moving toward the GOP challenger in this hot Ohio race.

• Overcoming the Casey family political legacy in Pennsylvania is a difficult task for Republicans considering Sen. Bob Casey Jr. (D) has won three statewide campaigns and his father, the late Bob Casey Sr. (D) scored four victories, two as attorney general and two as governor.

The senator has enjoyed consistent polling leads through the election campaign, but the later polls are tightening. Instead of holding an average high single-digit advantage, Sen. Casey’s average lead has dropped to four points according to the last 10 published polls. While the trend is favorable for Republican challenger David McCormick, it may not be strong enough to deny the senator re-election.

• In a similar pattern to that of Sen. Casey, Wisconsin two-term Sen. Tammy Baldwin (D) has also seen her once more formidable lead getting smaller. Typically reaching high single to low double digits over businessman Eric Hovde (R), the senator’s average edge over the last 13 polls has dropped to four percentage points.

Since Wisconsin typically features tight statewide election results, such polling results are not surprising. Considering that both she and Sen. Casey have never trailed in the multitude of surveys conducted in their states, we can also expect Sen. Baldwin to return for another term.

The Democrat challengers in Florida and Texas — along with the Independent that the Nebraska Democratic establishment backs — are continuing to post close polling numbers, but like with the established Democratic incumbents in their competitive campaigns, the GOP incumbents remain favored.

• While polls consistently show Florida Sen. Rick Scott (R) three to four points ahead of former Rep. Debbie Mucarsel-Powell (D), the margin is likely higher. In 2018, when Sen. Scott, then the state’s governor, unseated then-Sen. Bill Nelson (D), he did so with a 10,033-vote victory from a voter pool that exceeded eight million ballots.

At that time, Democrats held a 257,000-person lead in voter registration over Republicans. Today, there are 1.05 million more Republicans than Democrats, indicating that the state has moved over 1.3 million people in the Republicans’ favor since the last time Sen. Scott was on the ballot.

With pollsters missing the Republican voter strength in the Florida statewide races by seven points in 2022, and considering the huge registration changes, the trends below the radar heavily favor a Scott re-election victory.

• A surprise Senate race always seems to appear in every cycle, and we have one forming in Nebraska. Here, Sen. Deb Fischer (R), who doesn’t even have a Democratic opponent, finds herself in a legitimately tight campaign with Independent Dan Osborn. In four polls taken since the beginning of September, Osborn holds an average lead of just under two percentage points.

This contest needs to be monitored, since the trends do suggest an upset is possible. While Trump and Sen. Pete Ricketts (R) enjoy strong double digit leads in the same polls as mentioned above, the Fischer race has become a serious contest. Sen. Fischer may be able to right her political ship since the campaign has sprung into action and is hard at work trying to paint Osborn as a liberal Democrat, but only time will tell if their strategy will be successful.

• In Texas, talk continues, just as it did in 2018, that Sen. Ted Cruz (R) is in danger of losing his seat. While Rep. Colin Allred (D-Dallas) pulls within an average of four points opposite the incumbent over the most recent 12 polls from the beginning of September, the path is still a difficult one for the challenger.

With the Biden-Harris energy policies not favorable to the dominant Texas oil and gas industry, the Lone Star State being most affected by the southern border issue, and south Texas sees Hispanic support rising for Republicans, the timing doesn’t appear favorable to reverse a Republican statewide winning streak that begin in 1996.

While the trends undoubtedly suggest a close finish, as was the case when Cruz defeated then-Rep. Beto O’Rourke (D) by just three points in 2018, the most likely outcome this year is another Cruz victory. The Democrats are increasing strength in the Houston, Dallas, Austin, and San Antonio metro areas, but their gains are not large enough to neutralize the rest of America’s second-most populous state.

All six of the races covered above are well worth increased political attention as the campaign cycle draws to a close. While the Republicans appear to be on track to secure at least a minimum majority, an upset in one of the Republican incumbent campaigns could reverse such an impending trend.

Political Overtime

By Jim Ellis — Monday, Oct. 14, 2024

Election Day

It is quite possible that we will not know the outcome of the presidential election or certainly the US House majority on election night, meaning an undetermined number of days will be required to finally arrive at a definitive winner, or sets of winners in an US House election cycle that promises to deliver multiple tight finishes.

Close elections will bring much scrutiny, and outcomes of several key races in such a situation may not occur until shortly before the state election certification deadline, which in some instances means the middle of December.

There is a strong likelihood that we will see US Senate results on election night. With West Virginia sure to flip from Democrat to Republican and the Montana race today leaning decidedly Republican could mean that a new GOP majority would be announced on election night.

Should, however, an unexpected upset of a Republican member, i.e., Sens. Rick Scott (FL), Deb Fischer (NE), or Ted Cruz (TX), occur, then political overtime is possible, and an extended counting period would come into play if the affected races’ outcomes will determine majority control.

The presidential election is already coming down to seven key swing states, and the domain in this category with the longest certification period is Georgia with a 2024 certification deadline of Dec. 27. The battleground state with the shortest certification period is Nevada, which is Nov. 19.

The unofficial Arizona deadline is Dec. 2; Michigan is Nov. 25; North Carolina will be Nov. 26; and Pennsylvania and Wisconsin are both unofficially scheduled to certify their election results by Nov. 28.

Therefore, if only a few votes in one or more of these states or districts is separating the candidates and the outcome is unclear, then it could be close to a month after election day until we discover a winner. Thus, 2024 could be reminiscent of the 2000 election in Florida, which consumed 36 days to finally determine that George W. Bush had won the state and thereby the election.

The most likely political overtime scenario, however, involves the House majority. Currently, Republicans hold a five-seat edge, but this election could conceivably deliver an even smaller controlling margin to either party. If so, then the races that are forced into political overtime — and in House races there are usually several — will have a direct effect upon which party controls the chamber.

In this case, mid-December could well be the deciding timeline. California and New York, where both states have several competitive races, also have the longest certification periods. In this election year, New York and California election certification deadlines are Dec. 12 and 13, respectively.

Other states where we could see House political overtime are Maine and Alaska, which have certification deadlines of Nov. 25 and 26, while a number of states that feature competitive House races will certify on Dec. 2: Arizona, Colorado, Iowa, Montana, Nebraska, and Virginia.

Even later are Connecticut and Washington (both on Dec. 5), and Oregon on Dec. 12.

While the political world will be in great anticipation of election day, Nov. 5, particularly for determining the House majority, that date may be only the start of what promises to be a laborious and contentious post-election period. At this writing, it appears almost certain that political overtime will be necessary to determine which party will ultimately control a small House majority.

Fischer in Trouble in Nebraska;
Tight CA-16 Double-Dem Election; Congressional Leadership Fund Ponies Up; DA Gascon Headed for Defeat in Los Angeles

By Jim Ellis — Friday, Oct. 11, 2024

Senate

Nebraska Sen. Deb Fischer (R)

Nebraska: Ricketts Family to the Rescue — With the new Impact Research poll (Oct. 1-3; 600 likely Nebraska voters; multiple sampling techniques) being released and showing the same pattern we’ve seen in other recent surveys again suggests that Sen. Deb Fischer (R) is inexplicably in political trouble. Whereas the same poll finds former President Donald Trump leading Vice President Kamala Harris 58-38 percent, Independent Dan Osborn continues to forge small leads. Here, he leads Sen. Fischer 48-46 percent.

Entering the race to help boost the senator’s prospects is the ESAFund Super PAC, formerly known as the Ending Spending Action Fund. The organization announced it is laying down $2 million for further advertising in the Nebraska Senate race, likely in the form of ads to negatively define Osborn. Sen. Pete Ricketts’ (R) family were the principal funders of the organization, so it would make sense that they would come to Sen. Fischer’s aid.

House

CA-16: Double-Dem General Election Going to the Wire — An EMC Research poll for a Super PAC that supports state Assemblyman Evan Low (D-Campbell) for an open congressional seat shows a very close race between him and former San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo (D). The survey, however, is a month old, which makes the result much less credible. The poll’s ballot test (for Equality California; Sept. 5-10; 600 likely CA-16 voters; live interview, text & email) posted Liccardo to a 48-45 percent lead.

Releasing the survey after so much time had elapsed suggests the Low supporters are possibly finding that momentum is turning Liccardo’s way. Therefore, promoting the dated poll may be serving as a way to artificially boost Low and disguise what is likely a much bigger Liccardo advantage.

This is one of three congressional double Democratic general elections that California’s jungle primary system produced in the early March qualifying election. Incumbent Rep. Anna Eshoo (D-Atherton) is retiring after what will be 16 terms of service in the House plus 10 years on the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors.

Congressional Leadership Fund: Invests $5 Million of New Money — The Congressional Leadership Fund, a major Super PAC that has a close association with the House Republican leadership, just announced additional media buys totaling $5 million for six different campaigns according to The Down Ballot political blog.

The new CLF race is that of Wisconsin freshman Rep. Derrick Van Orden (R-Prairie du Chien) who has been under heavy attack from outside groups including the Vote Vets organization. Rep. Van Orden, who converted a western Wisconsin seat in 2022 that Democrat Ron Kind had represented for 26 consecutive years, is working to repel a challenge from businesswoman Rebecca Cooke (D).

Other incumbent races slated for an influx of support are those of Reps. Juan Ciscomani (R-AZ) and Marc Molinaro (R-NY). Also receiving additional aid are the challenger efforts of state Reps. Gabe Evans (CO-8 vs. Rep. Yadira Caraveo) and Austin Theriault (ME-2 vs. Rep. Jared Golden), and former US Rep. Yvette Herrell (NM-2 vs. Rep. Gabe Vasquez).

Cities

Los Angeles County: DA Gascon Headed for Defeat: The campaign of first-term Los Angeles County District Attorney George Gascon (D), who has become the face of controversial prosecution and bail policies, is in serious trouble. A new University of California at Berkeley’s Institute for Government Studies poll (for the Los Angeles Times; Sept. 25-Oct. 1; 908 likely LA County voters; online) finds Independent challenger Nathan Hochman crushing Gascon by 30 percentage points, 51-21 percent.

In the March primary, Gascon placed first in a field of 12 candidates, but could only manage 25 percent of the vote. Such a low percentage for an incumbent is an ominous sign for the general election, and this latest survey certainly confirms such a pattern. Before moving to Los Angeles and entering the DA race in 2020, Gascon served for eight years as the San Francisco County District Attorney.