Author Archives: Jim Ellis

Republicans May Have Challenger in WA-3 to Flip Seat From Incumbent Dem

By Jim Ellis — Wednesday, July 23, 2025

House

Rep. Marie Gluesenkamp Perez (D-Skamania County) has repeatedly confounded Republicans. She has twice won a southwestern Washington congressional district that is arguably the second-most Republican seat in the country that elects a Democrat to the US House, behind only Rep. Jared Golden’s 2nd District of Maine.

Washington Senate Minority Leader John Braun (R-Centralia)

It appears, however, that the Republicans may have found a stronger candidate for 2026. In the past two elections, Perez has defeated Army veteran Joe Kent (R) who proved himself too extreme for the district’s electorate. Though he is not yet completely confirming that he will be a candidate, most believe that state Senate Minority Leader John Braun (R-Centralia) will formally announce his congressional candidacy sometime this week.

If the Republicans are to hold their slim majority, converting Washington’s 3rd District becomes a must-win. Before Rep. Perez recorded her initial upset victory in 2022, the seat had been under Republican control since the 2010 election.

The Dave’s Redistricting App organization calculates a 52.0R – 46.4D partisan lean. It is one of 13 districts that voted for President Trump in 2024 but reverted to electing or re-electing a Democratic nominee for the House.

Rep. Perez, then a local automotive business owner along with her husband, upset Kent in 2022 with a 50.1 – 49.3 percent victory. This, after six-term incumbent Republican Jaime Herrera Beutler failed to qualify for the general election from the state’s jungle primary. Two years later, despite President Trump carrying the district over Kamala Harris with a 50-47 percent margin, Rep. Perez won re-election, again opposite Kent, with a 52-48 percent spread.

Washington’s 3rd District lies in the southwestern corner of the state and is anchored in the city of Vancouver in Clark County, which lies directly across the Columbia River from Portland, Oregon. In addition to housing all of Clark County, the 3rd encompasses Cowlitz, Lewis, Pacific, and Skamania counties, with part of Thurston. The population is predominantly white, but with a Hispanic Voting Age Population figure of just about nine percent. Hispanics constitute the district’s largest minority group.

John Braun was initially elected to Washington’s state Senate in 2012 and has run unopposed in the next three succeeding campaigns. He was chosen Minority Leader after the 2020 election. Should he make the final decision to run for Congress, Braun would not have to risk his state Senate seat since the 2026 election is the mid-term of his four-year tenure.

Prior to the 2024 election, most political prognosticators were predicting that the Democrats would assume control of the House. The reason Republicans held was due to converting several seats from the Democrats, namely through the new North Carolina redistricting map that yielded three flips, another two in eastern Pennsylvania, and one each in Alaska, Colorado, and an open seat in Michigan. Winning these seats mitigated Republican losses in California, Louisiana, New York, and Oregon.

A similar pattern will have to appear again in 2026 if the GOP is to hold their slim majority. With few conversion opportunities apparent for either party during the early part of this election cycle, the GOP converting the WA-3 seat becomes a paramount district in their plan to hold and potentially expand the current majority.

CO-8 Freshman Rep. Gabe Evans
Now Faces Nine Challengers

By Jim Ellis — Tuesday, July 22, 2025

House

Colorado Rep. Gabe Evans (R)

In a Colorado post-redistricting congressional seat designed to revert between the parties, a ninth Democrat, venture capitalist and Marine Corps veteran Evan Munsing, announced his 2026 candidacy late last week.

The large Democratic field is vying to challenge freshman Rep. Gabe Evans (R-Fort Lupton). The group includes former Congresswoman Yadira Caraveo, State Treasurer David Young, and state Reps. Manny Rutinel (D-Commerce City) and Shannon Bird (D-Westminster), among the nine contenders to date.

One of the legislators, state Rep. Rutinel, has already raised $1.6 million with over $800,000 cash-on-hand. Rep. Evans has also raised $1.6 million for his re-election campaign and has a more substantial $1.5 million in his campaign coffers. In contrast, Caraveo, who lost to Evans in November, raised only $214,000 since her 2026 announcement of candidacy.

State Rep. Bird has raised a substantial amount, and also more than the former incumbent. Bird recorded campaign receipts of $446,559 through the June 30 campaign finance 2nd Quarter deadline and holds just under $374,000 in her campaign account. Lagging behind is State Treasurer Young who attracted less than $75,000.

Colorado, as previously reported many times, redistricted in 2021 through a citizens’ commission. The congressional panel drew the state’s newly awarded 8th District to be one that would reflect the electorate’s twists and turns as the political climate evolves throughout the ensuing decade. The Dave’s Redistricting App statisticians calculate the CO-8 partisan lean at 48.3D – 47.0R, and in its two election cycles the district has performed largely as intended.

In November, President Trump carried CO-8 with a tight 49.6 – 47.8 percent spread. Four years earlier, however, President Biden also posted a close win in the new district, 50.8 – 46.3 percent. That year, Caraveo, then a state Representative, was elected as the district’s first US Representative with a 48.4 – 47.7 percent victory over Republican state Sen. Barbara Kirkmeyer. In 2024, Evans, himself then a state Representative, unseated Caraveo with again a similarly close margin, this time, 48.9 – 48.2 percent.

The district became one of the focal points in the 2024 battle for the House majority, and it will undoubtedly again be a key factor in which party controls the chamber come January of 2027.

The 8th District lies just north and east of Denver, stretching from the metro bedroom communities of Commerce City, Thornton, and Westminster northward 50-plus miles to the city of Greeley, a municipality with a population of just under 100,000 in Weld County. The district holds almost all of Adams County, with a portion of Weld, and a sliver of Larimer counties.

Though Caraveo, a physician, represented the district in its initial term, her return so far this year has been marred with controversy. A news story that she has relatively recently attempted suicide is a large reason why campaign is off to a slow start and her fundraising poor.

Still, she has high name identification and in a plurality system with a crowded field, she cannot be counted out. At the beginning of this 8th District nomination campaign, the leaders appear to be the two state Reps., Rutinel and Bird.

Regardless of who wins this hotly contested Democratic primary, Rep. Evans will have his hands full in a first attempt to hold this politically marginal district, a seat that has proven difficult for either party to establish a lasting foothold.

Before coming to Congress, Rep. Evans served one term in the Colorado House of Representatives. He has a military service record that includes active duty in the US Army and has logged time in both the Colorado and Virginia National Guard. He was also a policeman for the city of Arvada, Colorado.

Though the Democratic candidates are raising substantial early funds, most of their initial monies will be used to win the nomination. Because this race will be a top national target, financing for the general election both through individual contributions to the candidates’ committees and outside spending from both parties’ allies will be extraordinarily high. In the 2024 race, the combined candidate and outside spending aggregate figure exceeded $40 million. It is probable the financial totals will be even higher in 2026.

Rep. Evans will continue to raise and bank campaign funds as the Democrats engage in what promises to be an intense fight for the party nomination. It’s possible the field will thin as the campaign progresses, however. Some of the contenders will be forced to drop their bid after the party endorsing convention if they fail to make the ballot through delegate votes and don’t choose the signature petition route. The Democratic endorsing assembly will likely be held in late April. The Colorado primary is scheduled for June 30, 2026.

Expect to read much more about this race as the campaign unfolds throughout the bulk of the current election cycle.

The Redistricting Wars Begin

By Jim Ellis — Monday, July 21, 2025

Redistricting

Texas Gov. Greg Abbott’s (R) call to add congressional redistricting to the special legislative session has already elicited a response from a Democratic adversary.

California Gov. Gavin Newsom (D), has attacked Gov. Abbott’s redistricting move, calling it a partisan power grab, and says he will retaliate with his own legislature redrawing the Golden State congressional map to neutralize any seat gain that the new Republican map yields.

Several points make Newsom’s planned response unrealistic.

First, the California legislature has no redistricting power. In 2008, voters adopted a constitutional ballot proposition that created the California Citizens Redistricting Commission, which took the redistricting pen away from the legislature and awarded it to an appointed panel of individuals who are not in elected office. Therefore, Newsom and the legislators would first have to find a way to disband the Commission in order to proceed with a new map.

According to an article from The Down Ballot political blog that quoted Gov. Newsom from an interview he conducted with the Pod Save America hosts, the California chief executive indicated that he could call his own special session to place a measure on a special election ballot to void the Commission.

Gov. Newsom said on the podcast that he thinks “… we would win that. I think people understand what’s at stake in California. I think we come out in record numbers. I think it would be [an] extraordinary success,” the Governor concluded.

His prediction may or may not be accurate, and Newsom acknowledges that the calendar would be a major obstacle for such a movement because the commission invalidation process would require so much time.

The second option would be to claim, as Newsom said, that the Commission lacks mid-decade redistricting authority. The Governor argued that the ballot proposition awarded the Commission redistricting power after the Census was released and the lines would hold for the full decade. He said answering whether the Commission even has redistricting authority beyond once every 10 years and immediately after a Census should be pursued.

The third obstacle would be simply drawing a map that would give the Democrats five more seats in the California delegation. Gov. Newsom quoted President Trump as saying a new Texas Republican map could provide US House Speaker House Johnson with five additional Republican seats. Therefore, Newsom said California could neutralize such an increase.

The California delegation has 52 members and only nine are Republican. Can the Republicans be reduced to just four seats without endangering some Democratic incumbents? Seems the difficulty factor to avoid such an outcome is high when considering that President Trump received 38 percent of the statewide vote in 2024 and even Gov. Newsom’s own 2022 opponent, then-state Sen. Brian Dahle (R), garnered 41 percent.

Additionally, since the Census was released, Democrats have lost almost a full percentage point in voter registration affiliation and the Republicans have gained a point, not to mention that the overall state population figure is reduced.

According to the latest published voter registration figures (February 2025), Democrats claim 45.27 percent of the affiliations, Republicans 25.22 percent, and the non-affiliated, or Declined to State, option records 25.34 percent. Minor parties absorb the remaining 4.17 percent. Therefore, considering these numbers in trying to reduce the Republicans to just 7.7 percent of the seats (4 of 52), would prove to be quite a mathematical feat.

Additionally, using the Texas Democrats’ argument that the Lone Star State map is already gerrymandered because Republicans control 66 percent of the congressional seats but their presidential nominee only received 56 percent of the vote pales in comparison to the ratios in the current California map. There, Democrats control 83 percent of the districts even though the Democratic presidential candidate, and California winner, garnered only 58 percent.

The Texas map is explained in that President Trump carried all 25 Republican districts and two of the Democratic seats and ran almost four points ahead of the statewide Republican partisan lean calculation. In California, Kamala Harris carried no Republican congressional district and ran five points below the Democratic partisan lean figure.

The Texas legislature convenes today, and a new map will be released soon after since the special session is only 30 days long. At that point, further analysis can be conducted, and Gov. Newsom’s countermove strategy may begin.

Will Iowa Sen. Joni Ernst Run in 2026?

By Jim Ellis — Friday, July 18, 2025

Senate

Iowa Sen. Joni Ernst (R)

There has been much public speculation as to whether two-term Iowa Sen. Joni Ernst (R) will seek re-election next year, and such talk has heightened because of circumspect actions emanating from the incumbent.

On a local radio show this week, however, Sen. Ernst appeared to tamp down the rumors, indicating that such talk is “titter tatter.” The Senator further said an announcement is “coming in the fall,” but stopped short of saying she would make a declaration of candidacy. For the record, she has hired a campaign manager for the ’26 election cycle.

Sen. Ernst was first elected in 2014 with a 52-44 percent win over then-Rep. Bruce Braley (D). Ernst, then a state Senator, began that race as an underdog but built a strong campaign, took advantage of a favorable Republican election cycle, and won going away.

Six years later, she was a Democratic target and faced Des Moines real estate business executive Theresa Greenfield, who had more in the way of campaign resources and led the Senator in polling throughout most of the race. In the end, Sen. Ernst again finished strong and pulled away to record a victory exceeding six percentage points.

Early this year when questions abounded whether she would support then-Defense Secretary designate Pete Hegseth, rumors were flying that President Trump’s Iowa leaders were attempting to convince Attorney General Brenna Bird to challenge Sen. Ernst in the Republican primary.

After Ernst announced for Hegseth, which seemed to be the key proclamation that tipped the confirmation process in his favor, such primary challenge talk died down. Sen. Ernst, as did most Republicans, then supported every other Trump Administration nominee.

As a result, and at least for now, it does not appear that Sen. Ernst is threatened with a serious primary challenge, though she does face several opponents considered as minor candidates.

Preparing for the 2026 general election, this year appears differently. While there is talk that her re-election could become competitive, she is nowhere near the top of the Democratic conversion opportunity list, nor do the Democrats have a candidate who should be considered top-tier at this time.

State Sen. Zach Wahls (D-Des Moines), state Rep. J.D. Scholten (D-Sioux City), and Chamber of Commerce executive Nathan Sage have announced for the Senate. Of the three, Sen. Wahls is viewed as the strongest (Scholten has previously lost two congressional campaigns) but the eventual party nominee will have to win a competitive June Democratic primary before being in position to develop a credible bid against Sen. Ernst.

A viable challenge may unfold, but the type of general election campaign that can seriously threaten a multi-term incumbent in a state where the most recent voting trends are in the incumbent party’s favor, such as in Iowa, appears improbable.

Some, though, are pointing to Sen. Ernst’s 2nd quarter fundraising. While she raised just over $720,000 according to a report in The Down Ballot political blog, that dollar figure is only about 65 percent of the amount she garnered in the 2020 race during the commensurate time frame. Her cash-on-hand, however, appears strong — over $3.4 million for a race in a state without an expensive media market.

The fundraising data can also be explained not as a clue toward incumbent retirement, but rather illustrating that in 2020 Sen. Ernst was running her first re-election campaign and was considered a top-tier Democratic target. Neither of those points are true today.

Should the Senator reverse what now appears to be a course toward re-election, the Republicans have an ace in the proverbial bullpen. Three-term Rep. Ashley Hinson (R-Marion/Cedar Rapids), a former local news anchor, has secured what had been a marginal political district featuring one of Iowa’s most Democratic metro areas. With more than $2.8 million in her own campaign account and not facing serious re-election pressure, Rep. Hinson is in position to quickly step in and fill the Senate void should Sen. Ernst ultimately retire.

In terms of the Hinson House seat, Republicans have a backup for this incumbent, too. Cedar Rapids Mayor Tiffany O’Donnell won her current position in the Democratic heart of Hinson’s 2nd Congressional District.

While speculation about Sen. Ernst’s future will continue until she makes a definitive re-election declaration, Republicans are in a very favorable position to hold the Iowa Senate seat regardless of the current incumbent’s eventual career decision.

Grijalva Wins in Arizona;
Cuomo Announces as an Independent

By Jim Ellis — Thursday, July 17, 2025

AZ-7

Adelita Grijalva / Photo by Kelly Presnell

Former Pima County Supervisor Adelita Grijalva and daughter of the late Congressman Raul Grijalva (D-Tucson), won Tuesday night’s special Democratic primary, easily defeating media influencer Deja Foxx and former state Rep. Daniel Hernandez. Grijalva’s victory is the first step toward replacing her late father in Congress. The 11-term Representative passed away in March.

Grijalva will now face painting contractor Daniel Butierrez, who won the Republican nomination as he did for the 2024 election. In last November’s result, Butierrez fell to Rep. Grijalva, 63-37 percent, and spent just over $76,000 on his campaign.

The 7th District of Arizona is strongly Democratic (Dave’s Redistricting App partisan lean: 65.5D – 32.3R), so Grijalva is now the prohibitive favorite to win the special general election on Sept. 23. At that point, she would be sworn into the House to complete the balance of the current term.

The Grand Canyon State’s vacant 7th District is anchored in Arizona’s second largest city, Tucson, and contains all of Santa Cruz County and parts of four other counties including Pima. The district’s voting age population is heavily Hispanic, 55.4 percent, as compared to 32.9 percent White.

The 7th is Arizona’s heaviest Hispanic district and stretches from just west of New Mexico all the way to the California border. In 2024, former Vice President Kamala Harris defeated President Trump here, 60.5 – 38.4 percent.

The Arizona vote was the first in a series of special elections. On July 20, Rep. Mark Green (R-TN) will resign from the House. Tennessee Gov. Bill Lee (R) will then have 10 days to set the special election calendar for the state’s 7th District (Dave’s Redistricting App partisan lean: 55.1R – 42.1D). At this preliminary point, we already see eight Republicans and four Democrats already declaring their candidacies.

On Sept. 9, Virginia’s 11th District (Dave’s Redistricting App partisan lean: 67.2D – 30.7R) voters will choose a replacement for the late Rep. Gerry Connolly (D-Fairfax). The party nominees are Fairfax County Supervisor James Walkinshaw for the Democrats and Republican former FBI agent Stewart Whitson.

The TX-18 seat (Dave’s Redistricting App partisan lean: 73.6D – 24.4R) will then hold its special jungle preliminary election to replace the late Rep. Sylvester Turner (D-Houston) concurrently with the Texas municipal calendar on Nov. 4. The crowded open contest will most likely produce two runoff participants. Such will occur if no candidate receives majority support, which is the most probable result. If so, Gov. Greg Abbott (R) will then schedule a special general election in order to fill the district’s vacant congressional seat.

New York City

Former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who lost the New York City Democratic mayoral primary earlier this year, formally announced that he will return for the general election on the Independent ballot line. He joins the city’s incumbent Mayor, Eric Adams, as Independents. Controversial state Assemblyman Zohran Mamdani (D-New York City) won the open partisan primary election on June 24.

With a split field that also includes Republican nominee Curtis Sliwa, the most likely result is Mamdani winning a plurality victory in this most Democratic of municipalities. Though the Ranked Choice Voting process was used in the primary election, it is not a factor in the November general election.

Alabama’s Rep. Moore Schedules Announcement for Likely Senate Run

By Jim Ellis — Wednesday, July 16, 2025

Senate

Alabama Rep. Barry Moore (R-Enterprise)

Alabama Rep. Barry Moore (R-Enterprise) has scheduled what he is terming “a Big Announcement,” for Aug. 15, and the supposition is he will declare his candidacy for the state’s open US Senate seat.

The major clue is the festival-type event he is holding in the city of Sylvania, which is in the northeastern sector and about as far from his southern Alabama congressional district one can get and still be within the state.

Assuming Rep. Moore runs for the Senate, his major Republican opponent, to date, will be Attorney General Steve Marshall, who is ineligible to seek a third term for his current position. Others are expected to join. The eventual Republican nominee will become the prohibitive favorite to win the general election.

The best potential Democratic contender would be the former Sen. Doug Jones, but he lost to now-Sen. Tommy Tuberville (R) by a 60-40 percent margin in 2020, and the chance for a Democrat to win a Senate seat against a credible Republican in 2026 appears slim at best.

Jones won the special Senate election in 2017 against a flawed Republican candidate, former state Supreme Court Justice Roy Moore, but was denied a full term in the succeeding regular election.

Jones, also a former US Attorney from the Northern District of Alabama, confirms he is considering returning to elective politics, but he may be leaning more toward running for the open Governor’s position and again facing Tuberville. He publicly states he is not fully committed to running for any office.

The Senate seat is open because incumbent Tuberville, the former Auburn University football coach who still prefers his “Coach” title, has already announced his gubernatorial bid. Incumbent Gov. Kay Ivey (R) is term-limited.

If Rep. Moore were to leave the House to run for the Senate, that would open up his southern 1st District that stretches from Mobile in the far southwestern corner of Alabama along the southern Alabama-Florida border all the way to Georgia. The 1st is solidly Republican carrying a Dave’s Redistricting App partisan lean of 76.5R – 22.0D.

If this scenario were to unfold, it is likely that we will see a political comeback attempt in an open 1st District. When the courts ruled the 2021 Alabama map a racial gerrymander, a new map was installed for the 2024 election and beyond. The result, in addition to creating a new majority minority district in the Montgomery-Mobile area, paired Republican incumbents Moore and then-Rep. Jerry Carl (R-Mobile) into a new 1st District.

In a tough early March 2024 Republican primary campaign, Rep. Moore proved victorious in a 52-48 percent result, a margin of 3,644 votes of 104,268 cast ballots.

Since the election, former Rep. Carl has supported efforts to overturn the court-mandated map, but the US Supreme Court ordering new oral arguments on the Louisiana map, which has a similar issue to that in Alabama and would delay any redraw, suggests that odds are now strong that no new map will be installed in either place for the 2026 elections.

Carl had previously indicated he would run in the Mobile-anchored seat under a new map, so it is likely that he will return if the current 1st District becomes open. If so, we can expect a crowded 1st District Republican primary with the eventual nominee becoming a prohibitive favorite for the general election.

In terms of Rep. Moore’s Senate chances, should such a campaign materialize, at present he must be considered as a serious contender for the Republican nomination and therefore is a viable possibility as Sen. Tuberville’s successor.

Redistricting Action Continues:
Texas & Wisconsin

By Jim Ellis — Tuesday, July 15, 2025

Redistricting

A look at how things might play out in two key states — Texas & Wisconsin — in the redistricting tug of wars

Texas Gov. Greg Abbott (R), as expected, has added the congressional redistricting issue to the upcoming special session. The legislature is scheduled to reconvene on July 21. The session can last up to 30 days to handle the issues that the Governor places on the legislative call. Under Texas law, the Governor has the power to call an unlimited number of 30-day special sessions after the legislature adjourns for the biennial.

In Wisconsin, though the state Supreme Court justices recently said they would not hear the congressional redistricting case before them, a new lawsuit has been filed.

A group called the Wisconsin Business Leaders for Democracy filed the lawsuit claiming the current map is an “anti-competitive gerrymander,” distinguishing their claim from the partisan gerrymander lawsuit the Supreme Court refused to hear according to an Associated Press news story. An anti-competitive gerrymander refers to all incumbents rather than those of one particular party.

The Wisconsin suit was filed in before a Dane County circuit court where the plaintiffs will likely get a favorable ruling. The process, however, will be lengthy as appeals to any lower court ruling will occur before again reaching the state Supreme Court. Therefore, it may be a longshot to see the Wisconsin map redrawn before the 2026 midterm elections.

The Texas situation is much different, and Republican leaders may be able to produce a new map that increases the current plan’s 25R-13D split.

South Texas appears to attract the most attention in the special session. Using the Dave’s Redistricting App statisticians’ partisan lean calculations (methodology employed to develop the partisan lean figures can be found on the following “About Data” link from the DRA website: About Data – Dave’s Redistricting App), we generally see the Republicans overperforming in the region.

Under the current Texas plan, the DRA partisan lean calculation correctly projected which party would hold the particular congressional district in 37 of the 38 CDs. The only officeholder to win a congressional seat where the opposing party held the partisan lean advantage occurred in South Texas District 15 where two-term GOP Rep. Monica de la Cruz (R-McAllen) held her seat with a 57-43 percent majority. The DRA 15th District partisan calculation gives the Democrats a 4.1 percentage point advantage.

President Trump carried 27 of the state’s 38 CDs, including three seats where the partisan lean calculation favored the Democrats. In addition to District 15, Trump also topped Kamala Harris in District 28 (Rep. Henry Cuellar; D-Laredo) and 34 (Rep. Vicente Gonzalez; D-McAllen). All of these CDs are located in South Texas.

Thus, the Trump performance largely destroys part of the Democrats’ racial gerrymander argument because he carried these three districts that have overwhelming minority populations.

In District 34, the Voting age minority population figure is 90.5 percent and 88.5 percent Hispanic. Trump won the district with a 51.8 – 47.4 percent majority. In District 15, the minority Voting Age Population (VAP) figure is 82.4 percent with the Hispanic VAP at 78.9 percent. President Trump carried this district with a strong 58.5 – 40.7 percent majority. District 28 has a minority VAP of 80.7 percent with a Hispanic VAP of 72.9 percent. The Trump winning margin here is 53.2 – 45.9 percent.

There are 19 Texas districts where White voters are the majority of the Voting Age Population. Trump won 18 of the 19. The one exception that supported Kamala Harris was Rep. Lloyd Doggett’s (D-Austin) 37th CD that stretches from Austin to San Antonio down the I-35 corridor.

Eighteen of the Texas congressional districts feature majority minority populations. Of those, Trump won nine of the 18 seats and exceeded the Republican benchmark in all 18. Trump also exceeded the DRA partisan lean GOP benchmark in the nine majority minority seats that Harris claimed. These statistics, to a significant degree, at least partially spoil the Democrats’ Voting Rights Act racial gerrymandering arguments.

Regarding the partisan lean figures from all of the Lone Star State’s 38 congressional districts, Trump exceeded the Republican benchmark in 32 of the seats. In the 14 districts where Democrats hold the partisan lean advantage, Trump exceeded the Republican benchmark in all.

In six districts, the Trump performance failed to reach the Republican benchmark, even though he carried each of the seats. Those where the President finished below the GOP partisan mean were TX-2 (Rep. Dan Crenshaw-R), TX-3 (Rep. Keith Self-R), TX-22 (Rep. Troy Nehls-R), TX-24 (Rep. Beth Van Duyne-R), TX-26 (Rep. Brandon Gill-R), and TX-38 (Rep. Wesley Hunt-R).

In Wisconsin’s eight congressional districts, we see similar patterns relating to President Trump’s performance in reference to the DRA partisan lean figures.

There, President Trump carried six of the state’s eight districts on his way to a 49.6 – 48.7 percent statewide victory. His vote total exceeded the DRA partisan lean in six of the eight districts. The only seats where he underperformed in relation to the Republican benchmark were in District 5 (Rep. Scott Fitzgerald-R), which ironically is the most Republican district in the state, and District 4 (Rep. Gwen Moore-D), Wisconsin’s most Democratic seat.

Though redistricting is designed to be done once per decade, changes in laws and procedures along with unending legal challenges to the district plans have made map drawing a perennial issue.